• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.10
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• pp.5-50
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• 2006

The terminology "human body" simply means a physical body but also more often, as an object in art works, carries symbolic concepts incorporating the whole history of human lives. Human body has been employed as an artistic object capturing physical body, delivering artist's idea expressing life indicators from different standpoints of times and places. This point of view about human body in art works has in fact rather short history since 1960's when modern thinking paradigm focusing upon rationality and reasoning has begun declining and on the contrary when the body used to be the servant of the mind and soul for a long time has begun attracting artist's attention as a real entity from the viewpoint of dichotomy. During the 1960's, frequent performances in Pop art and of Fluxus showed that the human body has been an important media for artistic communication after importance of body performances had been raised in Action painting in 1940's. The human body became a more determined media in body art works that had got into stride after Yves Kline's conceptual works applying body and its traces. These kinds of art works have continued and consolidated into the Feminism came into blossom in 1980's and into fragmentated and disembodied body art trend in 1990's. Through development of trends in body works, human body now might well be regarded as a clue provide from individual identity with implication over the world. This thesis is to analyse in semiotic way main works of Kiki Smith who is a representative artist devoting to Feminism and proposing extended significance of human body. In the analysis process of works done by two great artists with histrorical background of art trend in order to find and open an significance horizon of human body, semiotics and bodism are therefore perceived as pertinent and applied as basic tools. The first stage of analysis is to get the significances emerged in between expression part and contextual parts, which are separated structually from the most basic level. The study deals with body works furthermore in the way of structual cohesion of the expression and the context from the view of A J. Greimas' Structural Semantics and tried to build up a basic frame for the extended significances of human body. This thesis is, on the other hand, to attempt to contribute for extension of disembodied and fragmentated body discussed in the structural semantic frame earlier by Julia Kriesteva who delivers abjection concepts and phenomenology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty who enables to overview relationship between the body and the world from the viewpoint of Bodism, further into interpretation level. The other works are Kiki smith's that showed epics about death in mid-1980's, detailed humbleness of vulnerable human body exposed to dichotomy and fragmentation in 1990's and religion and mythology incorporating wouln healing in 2000's and henceforth. Through the analysis of Kiki Smith's representative work 'Pee body', it is verified and confirmed that fragmentated body showed beyond boundary gap of the human body and ultimately tends to imply human healing owing to divine maternity. Bodily symbols in Kiki Smith's are extended to the universal world to imply human life and death on the one hand and religion and mythology of human wound and divine healing one the other hand. This thesis through these process and results of analysis is in a broad context, to emphasize that human body as objectified text has a key indicator role to understand world as well as semiotic extension in art works in late 20th century so that we might confirm bodily symbol as a cultural context constitutes a section of contemporary visual arts.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.50
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• pp.349-382
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• 2018

China is a great civilization which is a combination of various ethnic groups with long history change. As one of these important components of traditional culture, the lucky shape has been going through the ideological upheaval of the history change of China. Up to now, it has become the important parts which can stimulate the emotion of Chinese nation. The lucky shape becomes the basis of the rich traditional culture by long history of the Chinese nation. Even say it is the centre of this traditional culture resource. The lucky shape is a way of expressing the Chinese history and national emotions. It is the important part of people's living habits, emotion, as well as the cultural background. What's more, it has the value of beliefs of Surname totem. Meanwhile, it also has the function of passing on information. The symbol of information finally was created by the being of lucky shape to indicate its conceptual content. There are various kinds of lucky shapes. It will have its limitations when researching all kinds of them professionally. So, here the lucky shape of FISH will be researched. The shape of fish is the first good shape created by the Chinese nation. It is about 6000 years. Its special shape and lucky meaning embody the peculiar inherent culture and intension of the Chinese nation. It's the important component of the Chinese traditional culture. The traditional shape of fish was focused on the continuation of history and the patterns recognition, etc. It seldom indicated the meaning of the shape into the using of the modern design. So by searching the lucky meaning & the way of fish shape, the purpose of the search is to explore the real analysis of value of the fish shape in the modern enterprise identity design. The way of search is through the development of the history, the evolvement and the meaning of lucky of the traditional fish shape to analyse the symbolic meaning and the cultural meaning from all levels in nation, culture, art and life, etc. And by using the huge living example of the enterprise identity design of the traditional shape of the fish to analyse that how it works in positive way by those enterprise which is based on the trust with good image. In the modern Chinese enterprise identity design, the lucky image will be reinterpreted in the modern way. It will be proofed by the national perceptual knowledge of the consumer and the way of enlarge the goodwill of corporate image. It will be the conclusion. The traditional fish shape is the important core of modern design.So this search is taken through the instance of the design of enterprise image of the traditional fish shape to analysis the idea of the majority Chinese people of the traditional luck and the influence of corporation which based on trust and credibility. In modern image design of Chinese corporation, the auspicious sign reappear. The question survey is taken by people through the perceptual knowledge of the consumer and the cognition the enterprise image. According the result, people can speculate the improvement of consumer's recognition and the possibility of development of traditional concept.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.14-21
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• 2012

The object of the study, Yousang-Dae(流觴臺) and engraved Go broad text on the flat rock in Gangneung-si Yungok-myun Yoodung-ri Baemgol, reveals that the place was for appreciating arts like Yusang Goksu and Taoist hermit's games. three times of detail reconnaissance survey brought about the results as follows. There is a the text, Manwolsan(滿月山) Baegundongcheon(白雲洞天), engraved on the rock in Baegunsa(白雲寺) that had been built by Doun at the first year of King Hungang(in 875) of the United Shilla, became in ruins in the middle of Joseon, and then was rebuilt in 1954. The text is an invaluable evidence indicating that the tradition of Taoist hermit and Sunbee(classical scholars) culture has been generated in Baemgol Valley. According to the 2nd vol. of Donghoseungram(東湖勝覽), the chronicle of Gangneung published by Choi Baeksoon in 1934, there is a record saying that 'Baegunsa in Namjeonhyeon is the classroom where famous teachers like Yulgok Lee Yi or Seongje Choi Ok were teaching' that verifies the historic property of the place. In addition, the management of Nujeong(樓亭) and Dongcheon can be traced through Baegunjeong(白雲亭) constructed by Kim Yoonkyung(金潤卿) in Muo year, the 9th year of Cheoljong(1858) according to Donghoseungram and the completed version of Jeungboyimyoungji(增補臨瀛誌). Also, Baegundongdongcheon(白雲亭洞天), the text engraved on the standing stone across the stream from Yousang-Dae stone, was created 3 years after the Baegunjeong construction in the 12th year of Cheoljong(1861), which refers a symbolic sign closely related with Yousang-Dae. Based on this premise and circumstance, with careful studying the remains of 'Yusang-dae' Goksuro, we discovered that the Sebun-seok(細分石) controling the amount and the speed of moving water and the remains of furrows of Keumbae-soek(擒盃石) and Yubae-gong(留盃孔) containing water stream with cups through the mountain stream and rocks around Yusang-Dae. In addition, as 21 people's names engraved under the statement of 'Oh-Seong(午星)' were discovered on the bottom of the rock, this clearly confirms that the place was one of the main cultural footholds of tasting the arts which have characteristics of Yu-Sang-Gok-Su-Yeon(流觴曲水宴) until the middle of the 20th century. It implies that the arts tasting culture of Sunbees had been inherited centering on Yusang-dae in this particular place until the middle of the 20th century. It is necessary to be studied in depth because the place is a historic and unique cultural place where 'Confucianism, Buddhism, and Zen'were combined together. Based on the result of the study, the identification of 23 people as well as the writer of Yusang-Dae text should be carefully studied in depth in terms of the characteristics of the place through gathering data about appreciation of arts like Yusanggoksu. Likewise, we should make efforts to discover the chess board engraved on the rock described on the documents, thus we should consider to establish plans to recover the original shape of the place, for example, breaking the cement pavement of the road, additional excavation, changing the existing route, and so fourth.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-19
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• 1971

Nutritional anemia is an important nutritional problem affecting large population groups in most developing countries. Nutritional anemia is caused by the absence of any dietary essential involed in hemoglobin formation or by poor absorption of these dietary components. The most likely causes are lack of dietary iron, and folate, vitamin $B_{12}$ and high qualify protein. Anemia is considered to be a late mainfeastation of nutritional deficiencies, and even mild anemia is not the earilest sign of such a deficiency. Therefore, the object of therapy is to correct underlying deficiency rather than merely its manifestation. Iron deficiency anemia is generally much the most common form of anemia. And it is very prevalent particularly in pregnant women and young children, especially under five year of life. According to the rapid growth rate of infants, dietary iron should he provided for infants over three months of age in adequate amounts for the synthesis of hemoglobin required by the increasing blood volume and for the demands of newly formed cells. The principal causes of iron deficiency anemia are an inadequate dietary iron content, interference with absorption of iron from the intestine, excessive losses of iron from the body, disturbance of iron metabolism by infection, and social and cultural environments. The present study is planned to obtain informations concerning nutritional anemia through anthropometric and biochemical determinations for the assessment of nutriture in pre-school children. Determination was taken in 226 pre-school children in ruraI arae in 1968, 122 pre-school children in 1970, and 1526 hospitalized pre-school children in 1970. The results of this study are as follows; (1) According to Iowa Malnutrition Borderline (85 percentile) for weight, the proportions of underweighed pre-school boys and girls in rural area were 47.2% and 46.2% in1968, and were 36.1% and 51.8% in 1970. According to Iowa Malnutrition Borderline for height, the proportions of underheight boys and girls in rural area were 30.5% and 33.7%, and were 26.2% and 21.8% in 1970. Malnutrition scores of underweight for height values of boys and girls in rural area were 19.3 and 17.3 in 1968, and the scores of boys and girls were 15.6 and 15.5 in 1970. (2) The mean hemoglobin values of boys and girls in rural area were $11.2{\pm}1.8g/100ml\;and\;11.4{\pm}1.6g/100ml$ in 1968. In 1970, the mean values of boys and girls in rural area were $11.3{\pm}1.3g/100ml\;and\;11.7{\pm}2.4g/100ml$. The mean hemoglobin values of hospitalized boys and girls were $11.9{\pm}2.2g/100ml\;and\;11.7{\pm}2.4g/100ml$ in 1970. It is found that 92 of 215 children (42.7%) in rural area had concentrations of hemoglobin less than 11.0g/100ml in 1968. In 1970, 55 of 121 children (45.4%) in rural area and 559 of 1526 hospitalized children (36.6%) had concentrations of hemoglobin less than 11.0g/100ml. (3) The mean hematocrit levels of hospitalized boys and girls were $35{\pm}26.8%\;and\;35.4{\pm}6.4%$ in 1970. And 443 of 1334 hospitalized children (33.2%) had hematocrit values below 33%. (4) The average mean corpuscular hemoglobin concentration levels of hospitalized boys and girls were $32.4{\pm}2.2\;and\;32.3{\pm}2.2$ in 1970. And 1016 of 1352 hospitalized children (75.1%) had the mean corpuscular hemoglobin values below 34. (5) The mean iron values of young children in rural area and hospitalized children were $62.0{\pm}6.3{\mu}g/100ml\;and\;60.7{\pm}22.8{\mu}g/100ml$. The proportions of anemia cases below $50{\mu}g/100ml$ in rural area was 37.9%, and 34.3% in hospitalized children. (6) The mean total iron binding capacity of young children in rural area was $376{\pm}57.88{\mu}g/100ml,\;and\;342.2{\pm}6.15{\mu}g/100ml$ in hospitalized children. (7) The average transferrin saturation percentage of young children in rural area was $16.9{\pm}4.7%,\;and\;18.0{\pm}8.4%$ in hospitalized children. The proportions of anemia cases below 15% of young chi1dren in rural area and hospitalized children were 48.3% and 41.2%. Therefore, authors wish to recommend that the following further studies should be undertaken: (1) Standardization of simplied laboratory examination of nutritional anemia. (2) The prevalence of nutritional anemia and the requirements of iron, folate, and vitamin $B_{12}$ of pre-school children. (3) The content and absorption of iron in Korean food. (4) The pathogenesis of nutritional anemia and prevention of parasitic disease. (5) Maternal health and nutrition education.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.16-25
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• 2018

Initially from the Taoist scriptures, 'Dongcheon' is a term that can be regarded as a symbolic place in the real world for the enlightened ones who received relief and peace by restoring the human nature taught in the Confucian school. The long for an ideal world apart from the reality embodied as the labeling some places 'Dongcheon,' and the term was used to refer to a scenery where the ideal fairyland is reproduced. Besides, 'Dongcheon' was a term often used by Confucian scholars for various purposes including the attachment to the nearby landscapes, expressing homogeneity and superiority through placeness and the beautification of settlement spaces. This paper is the result of a field study on 'Dongcheon' in the Gyeongsang-Do. The research was conducted from March to August 2018, and we carried out firsthand location surveys on Dongcheons, of which some were lost, others were fairly preserved, and still others could not be located as only their existences were passed down orally. According to the field survey, there were total 111 inscriptions or engravings on the plates in Gyeongsang-Do that include the term 'Dongcheon.' There were 79 'Dongcheon' inscriptions confirmed in the Gyeongsangbuk-Do region: twenty in Yeongju-City, sixteen in Bonghwa-Gun, eleven in Andong-City and seven in Yeongyang-Gun and Ulgin-Gun. Among them, two were in the form of a wooden sign, and six were erected as rock signposts. Fourteen stops reported in the literature were lost or unidentified. Also, among the sixteen signs in Bonghwa-Gun, nine were cursive engravings. Meanwhile, there were 26 Dongcheon inscriptions in the Gyeongsangnam-Do region. Hamyang-Gun and Sancheong-Gun anf Hadong-Gun each housed three inscriptions, and seven places were in the form of rock signposts. 'Hwagaedongcheon' and 'Geumsandongcheon' could not be identified in inscriptions although they appear in Jibong Yuseol and Taengniji with stories of Choi Chiwon. The significance of this study is as a reference for future researches in traditional scenery, epigraphs, or as primary data that helps cultural exploration in the region.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.6
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• pp.1407-1415
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• 2006

Japan started to colonize Korea in 1910. It's when It forced and made Chosun sign on the Treaty of Protectorate. The Chosun faithfully practiced Japan's colonial policy over Korea. Futhermore, it stopped many Koreans from an anti-Japanese movement and tried to make Koreans have a positive attitude towards Japan. For this, Japan advertised the policy called Nae-sun-il-che which meant Korea and Japan were a community together from the same root. Ultimately, it targeted on absorbing Korea within their territory. With this goal, Japan kept on practicing the policy to acculturize and brainwash Koreans, totally depending on force and pressure from 1910 to 1919. However, this policy had changed by the overall anti-Japanese movement happening on March 1st 1919. Saito, the third governor-general who was appointed laster on, made an effort to win over He favor of Koreans in a less forceful way of the cultural politics. The change of policy had been specified in diverse actions such as permitting civil mass-media bodies forming the observation groups and opening conferences. In the case of daily newspapers, Japan had permitted only the ones by the Government-General of Chosun such as Maeil-shinbo, Kyunsung-ilbo, and Seoul Press before, but then other civil newspapers In Korean stated to be released. Along His Japan formed both Korean and Japanese observation groups to promote the mutual understanding and showed off Japan's goods in the propaganda films by implementing a film department. It's because Japan totally recognized and understood the impact of films. Therefore, Japan distincitively established a film agency for the production of propaganda movies while it banned the civil film production after 1937 when Japan started the war against China and USA in row. So, only one film agency, ruled by the Government-General of Chosun, produced movies from 1942 to 1945.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.75-87
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• 2017

This study is the research about Okcheonjeong(玉泉亭) located in the backyard of Namhansanseong(南漢山城)'s temporary palace(行宮). Okcheonjeong was not only built by a government inside Namhansanseong but it was also representative garden which is shown the culture of the nobility. It became famous garden ruins recently because it has remained many carved stones. However, there has been no study about Okcheonjeong yet. We studied Okcheonjeong to establish basic knowledge by literature analysis and field investigation. We tried to discover garden style by deciphering carved stones, and estimate Okcheonjeong's location by documentary research. Sim, Sang-Gyu became Gwangjuyusu(廣州留守) in 1816, and he built Okcheonjeong on the backyard of Namhansanseong's temporary palace in 1817. It was located in the foot of a mountain beside a stream. It consisted of Pungaepok(楓靄瀑: waterfall), Chusudam(秋水潭: a little pond), and Okcheon(玉泉: a stone wall). The stone for sign stands in front of the entrance of Pungaepok to show Okcheonjeong, and there is Yeongyeondae(泠然臺) above the waterfall. We thought that Okcheonjeong was typical Imcheon-garden(林泉庭苑). Okcheonjeong is located in the foot of a mountain following Gamigyeong(歌薇逕) 60 meters so it was able to see the whole temporary palace from the Okcheonjeong. It was the garden pavilion of temporary palace, but it was used in semi public garden(半公的庭苑). Okcheonjeong is the only graden ruins which was located in Namhansanseong, so we have to preserve as cultural heritage. We expect to make use of primary datas to restore Namhansanseong soundly which was world heritage.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.153-184
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• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.277-312
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• 2018

First-order cybernetics during the 1940s and 1950s aimed for control of an observed system, while second-order cybernetics during the mid-1970s aspired to address the mechanism of an observing system. The former pursues an objective, subjectless, approach to a system, whereas the latter prefers a subjective, personal approach to a system. Second-order observation must be noted since a human observer is a living system that has its unique cognition. Maturana and Varela place the autopoiesis of this biological system at the core of second-order cybernetics. They contend that an autpoietic system maintains, transforms and produces itself. Technoscientific recreation of biological autopoiesis opens up to a new step in cybernetics: what I describe as third-order cybernetics. The formation of technoscientific autopoiesis overlaps with the Fourth Industrial Revolution or what Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee call the Second Machine Age. It leads to a radical shift from human centrism to posthumanity whereby humanity is mechanized, and machinery is biologized. In two versions of the novel Demon Seed, American novelist Dean Koontz explores the significance of technoscientific autopoiesis. The 1973 version dramatizes two kinds of observers: the technophobic human observer and the technology-friendly machine observer Proteus. As the story concludes, the former dominates the latter with the result that an anthropocentric position still works. The 1997 version, however, reveals the victory of the techno-friendly narrator Proteus over the anthropocentric narrator. Losing his narrational position, the technophobic human narrator of the story disappears. In the 1997 version, Proteus becomes the subject of desire in luring divorcee Susan. He longs to flaunt his male egomaniac. His achievement of male identity is a sign of technological autopoiesis characteristic of third-order cybernetics. To display self-producing capabilities integral to the autonomy of machinery, Koontz's novel demonstrates that Proteus manipulates Susan's egg to produce a human-machine mixture. Koontz's demon child, problematically enough, implicates the future of eugenics in an era of technological autopoiesis. Proteus creates a crossbreed of humanity and machinery to engineer a perfect body and mind. He fixes incurable or intractable diseases through genetic modifications. Proteus transfers a vast amount of digital information to his offspring's brain, which enables the demon child to achieve state-of-the-art intelligence. His technological editing of human genes and consciousness leads to digital standardization through unanimous spread of the best qualities of humanity. He gathers distinguished human genes and mental status much like collecting luxury brands. Accordingly, Proteus's child-making project ultimately moves towards technologically-controlled eugenics. Pointedly, it disturbs the classical ideal of liberal humanism celebrating a human being as the master of his or her nature.