• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.169-193
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• 2016

In order to characterize the Neotectonic crustal deformation and current stress field in and around the Korean Peninsula and to interpret their tectonic implications, this paper synthetically analyzes the previous Quaternary fault and focal mechanism solution data and recent geotechnical in-situ stress data and examines the characteristics of crustal deformations and tectonic settings in and around East Asia after the Miocene. Most of the Quaternary fault outcrops in SE Korea occur along major inherited fault zones and show a NS-striking top-to-the-west thrust geometry, indicating that the faults were produced by local reactivation of appropriately oriented preexisting weaknesses under EW-trending pure compressional stress field. The focal mechanism solutions in and around the Korean Peninsula disclose that strike-slip faulting containing some reverse-slip component and reverse-slip faulting are significantly dominant on land and in sea area, respectively. The P-axes are horizontally clustered in ENE-WSW direction, whereas the T-axes are girdle-distributed in NNW direction. The geotechnical in-situ stress data in South Korea also indicate the ENE-trending maximum horizontal stress. The current crustal deformation in the Korean Peninsula is thus characterized by crustal contraction under regional ENE-WSW or E-W compression stress field. Based on the regional stress trajectories in and around East Asia, the current stress regime is interpreted to have resulted from the cooperation of westward shallow subduction of the Pacific Plate and collision of Indian and Eurasian continents, whereas the Philippine Sea plate have not a decisive effect on the stress-regime in the Korean Peninsula due to its high-angle subduction that resulted in dominant crust extension of the back-arc region. It is also interpreted that the Neotectonic crustal deformation and present-day tectonic setting of East Asia commenced with the change of the Pacific Plate motion during 5~3.2 Ma.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.351-379
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• 2015

In the Andes regions of Latin America continents, groups of diverse native tribes are intensively distributed.Among these tribes, the Aymara compose the most representative group of natives along with the Quechua. Especially, the Aymara who are concentrated on the border areas of Peru and Bolivia centered on Lake Titicaca have pursued common identity forming the same cultural area although they belong to different nations. In the meantime, the Aymara have maintained a sense of fellowship while emphasizing historicity and specialty, which are differentiated with groups of other natives based on a language constituting identity of the tribe. However, recently, focused on Puno State as the center of the border areas of both countries, the tribe's conflicts come to the surface. After being divided by the artificial boundary line, which was formed in the course of building modern countries after the independence, natives of Latin America started to emphasize differences simultaneously with cultural similarity in the frame of cooperation and competition. Together with the historical contexts, lately, focused on the border areas of Peru and Bolivia, as the same tribe came to be bound by the frameworks of different nations respectively, a new tribal conflict is being developed. Though the Aymara unite emphasizing cultural and historical specialty and recognizing them as one tribe, when they conflict with each other over inner interest, a tendency to form the identity of differentiation and distinction appeared even in the inside of the tribe. Usually, disorder between tribes seems to be originated from intertribal strife, which coexists in one region. In case of the Aymara of Peru and Bolivia, centered on Puno State where both countries maintain the border, an aspect that the fellowship of the tribe, which was established through old history changes into conflict structures by realistic conditions comes out. In understanding this point, this study analyzed the historical origin of the conflict of the Aymara and the deepened cause of the tribal disorder.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.464-476
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• 2022

In recent years, macroalgal bloom occurs frequently in coastal oceans worldwide. It might be attributed to accelerating climate change. "Green tide" events caused by proliferation of green macroalgae (Ulva spp.) not only damage the local economy, but also harm coastal environments. These nuisance events have become common across several coastal regions of continents. In Korea, green tide incidences are readily seen throughout the year along the coastlines of Jeju Island, particularly the northeastern coast, since the 2000s. Ulva species are notorious to be difficult for morphology-based species identification due to their high degrees of phenotypic plasticity. In this study, to investigate temporal variation in Ulva community structure on Jeju Island between 2015 and 2020, chloroplast barcode tufA gene was sequenced and phylogenetically analyzed for 152 specimens from 24 sites. We found that Ulva ohnoi and Ulva pertusa known to be originated from subtropical regions were the most predominant all year round, suggesting that these two species contributed the most to local green tides in this region. While U. pertusa was relatively stable in frequency during 2015 to 2020, U. ohnoi increased 16% in frequency in 2020 (36.84%), which might be associated with rising sea surface temperature from which U. ohnoi could benefit. Two species (Ulva flexuosa, Ulva procera) of origins of Europe should be continuously monitored. The findings of this study provide valuable information and molecular genetic data of genus Ulva occurring in southern coasts of Korea, which will help mitigate negative influences of green tide events on Korea coast.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.323-336
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• 2023

We investigated the nickel potential and genesis of ultramafic rocks in the Yugu area to secure nickel resources in South Korea. The Yugu ultramafic rocks, located in the southwest of the Gyeonggi Massif, are characterized by spinel peridotite and exhibit strong serpentinization along their boundaries. The serpentinization is observed as olivine transformed to antigorite and chrysotile, while pentlandite, the nickel sulfide mineral, altered into millerite and awaruite. Serpentine displays distinct foliation, aligning subparallel to the ultramafic rock boundaries and foliation of Yugu gneiss. This suggests that the uplift of ultramafic rocks resulted in hydrothermal infiltration likely sourced from the Yugu gneiss metamorphism. The Yugu ultramafic rocks are residues after 5~18% partial melting of abyssal peridotite. Enriched light rare earth elements and Eu imply secondary metasomatism. Geochemistry suggests a link between the formation of Yugu ultramafic rock and the Triassic collision of the North and South China continents. The nickel content is around 0.17~0.21%, mainly contained in olivine and serpentine. Hence, in addition to the mineral processing study on the sulfide minerals, focused studies on oxide minerals for enhanced nickel recovery within the Yugu ultramafic rock are strongly suggested.