• 아시아태평양코퍼스연구
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.35-49
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• 2022

This study examines crosslinguistic influence on the use of concessive conditionals by Japanese EFL learners. Contrastive analysis suggests that Japanese native speakers may overuse the concessive conditional even if due to partial similarities to Japanese concessive conditionals, whose formal and semantic restrictions are fewer than those of English concessive conditionals. This hypothesis is tested using data from the written module of the International Corpus Network of Asian Learners of English (ICNALE). Comparison of Japanese native speakers with English native speakers and Chinese native speakers reveals the following trends. First, Japanese native speakers tend to overuse concessive conditionals compared to native speakers, while similar overuse is not observed in Chinese native speaker data. Second, non-nativelike uses of even if appear in contexts allowing the use of concessive conditionals in Japanese. Third, while overuse and infelicitous use of even if is observed at all proficiency levels, formal errors are restricted to learners at lower proficiency levels. These findings suggest that crosslinguistic influence does occur in the use of concessive conditionals, and that its particular realization is affected by L2 proficiency, with formal crosslinguistic influence mediated at an earlier stage than semantic cross-linguistic influence.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.15-32
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• 2002

These analyses can be roughly classified into two groups: the first argue that the delimiter -to is polysemous so that it delivers either additive or concessive meaning; the second contend that it is monosemous and only conveys emphatic or concessive meaning. The current analysis mainly focuses on its two roles with regard to focus and its meaning. On the basis of the findings, a different analysis is proposed that it serves as an indicator of the presence of a type of focus which is hosted mainly by the expression it attaches to. Furthermore, it is solely responsible for the additive force, and the seemingly relevant emphatic or concessive import is derivable from an emphatic or concessive illocutionary operator which is associated with the focus indicated by -to.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.123-140
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• 2014

The aim of this paper is twofold: to identify two types of even if concessive conditionals, standing-ifs and introduced-ifs (Bennett 1982) in terms of whether the truth of the consequent is 'entailed' (the consequent-entailment problem in terms of Lycan 2001); and to analyze these two types of concessive conditionals in a compositional way. Here we argue that, following Guerzoni and Lim (2007), even if conditionals can be analyzed as the cases where even gets its focus in conditionals. We also argue that the consequent-entailment problem can be accounted for in a compositional way if we identify the focus as well as the scope of even in conditionals correctly. We further argue that the analysis presented in this paper supports the scope theory of even, among two theories of even previously proposed in various works. We also consider the possibility where concessive conditionals without even can be analyzed as an extension of the analysis proposed in this paper.

• 한국심리학회지 : 문화 및 사회문제
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.43-66
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• 2003

본 연구는 지하철 내 자리양보행동에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 탐색해보고, 이들 요인 중 '양보에 수반되는 당사자의 신체·심리적 부담감'과 '책임분산'이 자리양보경향성 판단에 미치는 영향 및 그에 대한 성차를 알아보기 위한 것이다. 연구 1에서는 양보행동을 유발시키는 요인과 억제시키는 요인을 탐색하였는데, '나보다 약한 노약자에게(노약자에 대한 안쓰러운 마음 요인) 자리를 양보하는 행동은 당연한 것이며(노약자 존대의식 요인) 따라서 양보행동을 하지 않을 경우에는 마음이 편하지 않고, 부끄럽게 느껴진다(양보하지 않을 때 생기는 부정적 감정 경감 요인)'라는 것이 가장 중요한 유발요인으로 나타났다. 억제요인으로는 '양보에 수반되는 당사자의 신체·심리적 부담감' 요인, '양보거래 상황에서 발생하는 심리적 거부감' 요인, 주변에 양보할만한 다른 사람이 있는 경우와 같은 '책임분산' 요인 그리고 '양보상황해석의 애매성' 요인이 중요한 것으로 나타났다. 연구 2에서는 연구 1에서 추출된 유발요인과 억제요인 중 양보행동에 가장 중요하게 영향을 미친다고 판단되는 요인들 즉, '양보에 수반되는 당사자의 신체·심리적 부담감(개인적 부담감)' 요인과 '책임분산(책임감)' 요인이 양보행동에 미치는 영향을 살펴보았다. 그 결과, 개인적 부담감 정도가 낮고, 책임감을 높게 지각하는 상황일수록 자리양보경향성을 높게 평가하였으며, 개인적 부담감 정도가 높고, 책임감을 낮게 지각하는 상황에서는 자리를 양보하려는 경향이 낮은 것으로 평가하였다. 또한, 자리양보경향성을 판단하는데 있어, 여성이 남성에 비해 개인적 부담감 정도에 더 민감하게 반응하는 것으로 나타났다.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제46권
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• pp.143-171
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• 2017

본 연구는 라틴아메리카의 일부 지역인 안데스와 리버플레이트 지역에서 양보접속사구로 기능하는 [todavía que]에 대한 형태-통사적 그리고 의미적 특성을 연구하고자 한다. Real Academia $Espa{\tilde{n}}ola$(2009)에 따르면 부사 todavía는 초점과 관련된 다양한 맥락에서 사용되며 특히 안데스와 리버플레이트 지역에서는 [todavía que]가 양보구문을 형성하며 첨가적 해석을 갖는다고 한다. 케추아어의 접미사 '-raq'과 아이마라어의 접미사 '-raki '는 스페인어의 부사 todavía와 동일한 의미를 갖는다. 그러나 이 두 원주민 언어에서는 상기의 접미사가 첨가 초점사의 기능을 수행하지만 스페인어에서는 첨가 초점사로 쓰이는 접미사는 없으므로 이러한 범주적 불일치로 인해 [todavía que]구조에서는 todavía가 부사의 형태로 접속사 que와 함께 첨가 초점사로 사용된다. 본 연구는 이러한 형태-통사적 그리고 의미적 특성은 두 원주민어들과 스페인어의 언어접촉 현상에서 비롯된 것으로 주장한다. 또한 이러한 주장에 기초하여 스페인어의 부사 todavía가 어원적으로 전칭양화사와 관련되는 사실과 척도와 관련된 자질을 내포하는 특성에 기인하여 [todavía que]는 척도 첨가의 의미를 갖는 양보의 접속사로 기능한다고 주장하고자 한다.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.107-124
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• 2000

This paper reports the syntactic distribution of amu-N-to/-ilato/-ina phrase, which are representative polarity sensitive items. (PSIs) in Korean, and ac- counts for their semantic characteristics in therms of "arbitrary choice quantification" and "concession" In the first section, we extensively illustrate the distributional behaviour of the PSIs in various costructions and roughly generalize the distribu- tion in terms of "(anti/non-) verdicality" Section 2 claims amu denotes an arbi- trary choice quantifier and the particles -to/-ilato/-ina as "concessive" markers, so the compounds denote a special element in a pragmatic scale determined by con- text/situation, Section 3. based on the pragmatics of scalar implicature, accounts for the apparent ambiguity of PSIs between "universal"and "existential"readings and further characterizes the difference among the concessive markers -to/-ilato/-ina in terms of "quantity/ quality scale."rkers -to/-ilato/-ina in terms of "quantity/ quality scale."

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제29권3호
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• pp.175-190
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• 1991

The purpose of this study is to investigate communication styles in married couples. The subjects are a total of 301 couples living in Seoul. The main results are summarized as follows: 1. The styles of marital communication are consisted of 5 factors which are reproachful attitude, rational attitude, concessive attitude, unilateral attitude, and unconcerned attitude. 2. The styles of marital communication are classified into 5 styles in husbands which are arbitrary style, obeident style, authoritarian style, unconcerned style, and respectful style, and in wives, 4 styles which are arbitrary style, obeident style, unconcerned style, and respectful style. 3. The husband's arbitrary style and wives' unconcerned style are differently perceived by husbands and wives. 4. The relations of marital communication styles are classified into 3 relations which are supplementary relation, antagonistic relation, and equal relation. 5. In the case of equal relation and supplementary relation in comparison with antagonistic relation, husbands satisfy more with their wives' communication. And in the case of antagonistic relation in comparison with supplementary relation, husbands and wives want more to change of spouses' communication. 5. The relations of marital communication styles are affected in husbans by education, in wives by age, and family life cycle.

• 한국언어정보학회지:언어와정보
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.21-47
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• 2008

This paper reviews the analysis of the so-called Korean NPIs, amu-(N)-to and amu-(N)-rato, proposed by An (2007). An proposes that the two so-called polarity items are identical semantically, tantamount to English even, but they are in complementary distribution due to the opposite scope properties of the emphatic particles to and rato contained in the NPIs in question. Resorting to Karttunen and Peters' (1979) and Wilkinson's (1996) scope analysis of even, Lahiri's (1998) analysis of Hindi NPIs, and Guerzoni's (2002) analysis of the negative bias of yes/no-questions containing minimizers, An accounts for the distributional properties of the two Korean NPIs. Given this, however, it is observed that unlike amu-(N)-to, amu-(N)-rato could be licensed in much broader contexts. Based on this observation, this paper proposes that the two particles to and rato are two different particles with different meanings.