• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.31-52
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• 2018

The purpose of this thesis was to re-examine the utopian socialism of George Sand. In brief, her socialism is Christian socialism. She was heavily influenced by Leroux and Ramennais who insisted on Christian socialism at the time. This was socialism that differed from other utopian socialists of the time such as Saint Simon and Fourier. In addition, the socialism of Sand was similar to communism that was popular at the time. We can see in many writings portraying Sand as a Communist. Her novels were also written to spread her communicative ideas. However, the Communism of Sand is different from that of Marx. In this thesis, her novels, her letters, and her political pamphlets will be analyzed in comparison with Marxism in three ways. 1. If Marx's communism justified violence, her ideology is based on nonviolence. 2. Sand's Communism asserts equality for workers and capitalists. She says that if it is not the equality for all, we are not qualified to argue. 3. Finally, her Communism is based entirely on Christian values, love and solidarity.

• 기호학연구
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• no.57
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• pp.27-57
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• 2018

This paper aims at (re)investigating the interrelationship between Communism and language in terms of historical experiences of Soviet Union in $20^{th}$ century. Critically reviewing Boris Groy's famous thesis about Soviet communism as the "kingdom of language", in which Soviet system is regarded as the result of "linguistic turn, executed in the dimension of social practice", i.e., as a state of "total linguistification of society", I will examine it in comparison with another very interesting view on the language system of communism(socialism): Alexie Yurchak's controversial thesis on "performative shift" in late socialism. Yurchak's unique view on Soviet socialism as a specific discourse system, thoroughly illuminating peculiar paradox of Soviet discourse system in the period of late socialism, in which performative repetition of authoritative ideological discourses does not prohibit, but rather enable the possibility of creative deviation from or unexpected reappropriation of them, could provide us with profound insights on the problematics around the collapse (the end) of "linguistic imperial" of Soviet Union.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.7 no.12
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• pp.55-65
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• 2007

The commercial value of the Korean animation was developed by the government's policies of revitalizing reform and national harmony from 1960 to the middle of 1980. Especially, the character of the anti communistic animation was organized by the structure of confrontation between South (good) and North (evil). The confrontation was viewed by communism and liberal democracy by red and white (or blue) and a pig or a boy. Such ideology and the policy of Korean culture gave some impact on its culture, for example, movie and animation. The animation became the tool of educating the idea of anti-communism and the policy of Korean culture by firming the policy of anti communism. But that animation of anti communism must not be blamed because it is a general animation of Korea which describes the reality. We have to take a hard view of the time and reconsider it by the new point of view.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.15
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• pp.109-122
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• 2009

Cultural policy, a part of ideological policy has affected remarkable changes in movie and animation. Korean animation was called cartoon movie and popular only among children, but works dealing with anti-communism ideology have been introduced in Korea since before/after 1970s. Animation focusing on ideology is not unique in Korea, but division of two Koreas after Korean War made great influence on social, cultural and educational aspects of the nation. Moreover, modification in movie-related laws and regulations made in 1960s - 1970s affected movie and animation significantly and is a means of strengthening anti-communism. In particular, Director Cheong-gi Kim's released in 1978 is meaningful in that it is the first long piece of animation movie. In this study, I clarify anticommunistic ideology reflected on the anticommunistic animations and the imageable expression of ideology reflected on . Most of all, I emphasize on clarifying how the cultural policies and social & cultural background influence on the advent of anticommunistic animation in 1960${\sim}$1970. Also, to communicate anticommunistic ideology reflected on produced under the social & cultural background, I clarify the expressive characteristic which the image of animation has.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.145-166
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• 2016

The aim of this investigation was to determine the historical relationship between anti-communism in the United States and military dictatorship in Paraguay. Relations between the two countries have been of great importance since the U.S attempt to obtain hemispheric solidarity in World War II, the Cold War in Latin America, and the balance of power in the La Plata region. The Archives of Terror are official documents of police repression between Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship and the U.S. U.S provided support and aid to Paraguay dictator. Alfredo Stroessner spanned more than half a century. The course of Paraguay-U.S. relation during his regime is illustrative of the flow of real politics in both nations. Not only did Washington had definite diplomatic goals, so did $Asunci{\acute{o}}n$. The relative disparity in power and wealth between the two nations did not necessarily hinder Paraguay's pursuit of international advantage in its relations with the United States.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 2017

This study aims to compare the state building process focusing on the founding presidents of South Korea, which was a colony of the defeated state of World War II and the Philippines, the colony of the victorious state. To this end, it compares the lives of the presidents, mainly the founding president of Korea Syngman Rhee and Manuel Quezon who led the autonomy of the Philippines and established the Commonwealth government, in the contexts of the state building process of the two countries. In each country, the leaders had to address the core tasks for founding the states in common. Firstly, after the independence or the acquisition of state autonomy, both countries adopted a constitution based on the presidential system with the strong authority of the presidents influenced by the United States. Secondly, the two countries after the independence were operated on the basis of anti-communism at the forefront of the Cold War. In addition, they also carried out land reform to bring the peasants into the system for supporting anti-communism. Lastly, the two countries also faced the same issues of liquidating the Japanese colonial legacies. Therefore the study examines the establishment of the constitution, settlement of anti-communism line, the land reform issues, and liquidation of Japanese colonialism or occupation in each country. The Philippines attained 'constitutional independence' in 1935 and experienced political development faster than any other post-colonial country in Asia. However, except for the establishment of the constitution, the early leaders were not able to address the principal issues for state building. As land reform failed, landowners became economically and politically dominant. The Philippines, where the modern citizen class has not arisen suffered from the political and economic recession. In Korea, despite the Korean War and division of the country, the founding president Syngman Rhee attempted to solve the tasks. As a result, he was able to lay the track of liberal democracy against communism and also settled Japanese colonial legacy as much as it was allowed. In particular, through land reform, he has laid the basis for the nation-state and economic development and has set up the girders of Korean economy by adopting the market economy system. Although there are merits and demerits, compared with the leaders of other countries especially with the Philippines, it is no doubt that Syngman Rhee has played an essential role in establishing the state as a founding president.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.183-201
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• 2002

Since the end of the Cold War, debate about the grand struggle between capitalism and communism has been largely replaced by debate about religious sectarianism. Some have even referred to a "clash of civilizations" in the wake of the spread of Islamic fundamentalism. This is in fact an old debate, but it has been given new life by arguments about globalization and economic development as envisioned by the West, and especially by the terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001. While the political right has had little difficulty treating religious belief as a fundamental human and social interest, much of the political left has remained committed to secular Enlightenment, even when it criticizes the hegemony of the West. The dispute depends upon competing notions of history, secularism, and progress, and ultimately on the possibility or desirability of universal solidarity. While for many a world unified by one religion may no longer make sense, the old Enlightenment dream that a single version of secular and universal reason will eventually prevail over religious difference may also need to be reconsidered. The process that we call secularization is neither as singular, nor as transparent, as we might think.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.28
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• pp.85-98
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• 1996

Yanbian is the area where many Korean-Chinese have settled and have undergone a unique culture. This study is intended to examine the clothing life of Korean-Chinese in Yanbian in the aspects of the cultural marginality and the effects of other cultures. Nowadays they have three kinds of dresses" Han-Bok In-Min-Bok and the western dress. han-Bok is the result of cultural marginal phenomenon so they pre-serve 1920s style which already disappeared in South Korea. In-Min-Bok is the production of Communism which is an 'invention' from the viewpoint of Cultural-Anthropology. However both Han-Bok and In-Min-Bok are gradually disappearing from the daily life. Today it is quite common for us to see a number of people wearing western dresses on the street. In their clothing life the acculturation to the Chinese wasn't traced which may be due to the strong 'National I dentity' of them.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.233-240
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• 1998

The main objective of this study was to develop a basic information base on Chinese consumers related to clothing purchases. Previous studies on Chinese consumers were extensively reviewed and in-depth interviews were conducted with 12 middle-level managers at Korean apparel companies which market their merchandises in China. Combined results from the reviews on previous studies and interviews indicated that traditional values, communism and industrialization are the major forces which shape contemporary Chinese consumers. Industrialization, in particular, accompanied by influx of western culture and economic development, has resulted in wide-spread phenomenon of conspicuous consumption. Thus, brand and brand images appeared to be the most important considerations for purchasing imported apparels. In addition, diversity of Chinese consumers and geographical differences were emphasized, which indicated need for market segmentation. Other characteristics including body measurements also provided implications for fashion marketing in China.