• 제목/요약/키워드: college teaching

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신학교육과정 재구조화를 위한 신학대학 교육과정 운영 만족도 분석 연구 (A study to analyze the satisfaction of theological education curriculum in order to restructure the theological college curriculum)

  • 남선우
    • 기독교교육논총
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    • 제77권
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    • pp.63-84
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    • 2024
  • 연구 목적 : 본 연구는 신학교육과정 재구조화를 위해 현장에서 신학교육과정을 경험하고 있는 학습자의 입장에서 신학대학 교육과정 운영 만족도를 조사했다. 이를 통해 현재 신학교육과정의 반성적 성찰과 교회와 사회 속에 영향력 있는 신학교육과정 재구조화의 기초를 제공하고자 한다. 연구 내용 및 방법 : 현재 신학대학의 학부와 신학대학원, 신학석사, 신학박사 과정에 재학 중인 학습자 80명을 대상으로 현재 신학교육과정 만족도 분석을 위해서 설문조사를 실시했다. 설문조사 결과를 발전적으로 해석하기 위해 설문 참여자 중 무작위로 6인을 선정하여 심층면담을 실시했다. 설문결과 첫째, 현재 신학교육과정 만족도는 60%로 높은 것으로 나타났고, 둘째, 목회 실천적 교육의 필요성 인식은 77.5%인데 반해 현재 신학교육과정에서 목회 실천적 교육이 이뤄지고 있다고 답한 비율은 45.5%로 필요성을 인식한 비율에 비해 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 현재 신학교육과정이 미래 사회를 위한 목회역량을 키울 수 있을지에 대해서는 73.7%가 부정적인 응답을 했다. 마지막으로 신학교육과정 재구조화를 위해 시급하게 변화되어야 할 것에는 신학교육내용, 신학교육방법, 신학교육목적 순으로 조사됐다. 결론 및 제언 : 대전환의 시대 속에 우리 사회는 빠르게 변하고 있다. 변화의 물결 앞에 신학교육과정도 새로운 시대에 걸맞는 변화가 필요하다. 지금까지의 신학교육과정은 이론 중심의 지식 전달에 초점을 맞춰 왔다. 그러나 새로운 시대의 신학교육은 대전환 시대 속에서 교회와 목회자가 역동적으로 살아낼 수 있는 목회 역량을 향상시킬 수 있는 신학교육과정이 필요하다. 이를 위해 목회 현장과 맥랑성을 가질 수 있는 신학교육과정으로 재구조화되어야 할 것이다. 이를 위해 이론중심의 교육과정과 방법론에서 다양한 목회 문제적 상황에 적극적으로 대응할 수 있는 구성주의 기반의 학습자 중심의 다양한 교수학습방법과 대전환 시대 속에 변화되는 목회 현장에 적극적으로 적용될 수 있는 실천중심적 신학교윢과정의 재구조화가 필요하다.

산업여대학학생단대지간적령수산품개발화품패관리협작(产业与大学学生团队之间的零售产品开发和品牌管理协作) (Retail Product Development and Brand Management Collaboration between Industry and University Student Teams)

  • Carroll, Katherine Emma
    • 마케팅과학연구
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    • 제20권3호
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    • pp.239-248
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    • 2010
  • 本文阐述了产业和学术之间的合作项目. 这个合作项目关注美国东北部的一家大型地区连锁百货商店的两个自有品牌服装的营销和产品开发战略发展. 这个项目的目标是通过和学生的想法的合作来振兴产品线. 从而给学生提供真实产业环境中的实践经验. 这个项目中有很多关键者. 在美国东北部的一家私有连锁百货商店为已有的两个自有服装品牌寻求一个学术伙伴. 他们的目标客户是追求休闲, 适中价格的中年消费者. 这个公司想要改变包装和展示的方向, 甚至是产品的设计. 公司的品牌和产品开发部门联系东北一个州立大学的学术部门的教授. 有两位教授认为这个项目非常适合他们的课程-一个是初级的媒介品牌管理课程; 一个是高级的时装产品开发课程. 这些教授认为通过合作项目, 学生在安全的学术学习环境中能进入一个真实的工作场景中在一个多学科协作团队, 提供超出一个学生的能力, 经验和资源优势, 并增加了解决问题的过程中的 "智囊" (Lowman 2000). 这种提高学生的能力目标的方向让每班教师去组织品牌和产品开发类的跨学科团队. 此外, 许多大学都聘请科研和教学的产业伙伴关系, 协作的时间(学期)和环境(教室/实验室)的约束有助于提高学生的知识和对现实世界的经验. 在田纳西大学, 产业服务中心和UT-Knoxville's 工学院和一家公司合作来发展它们美国公司的的设计进步. 本研究中, 因为是和一个自有商标零售品牌, Wickett, Gaskill 和Damhorst's (1999) 指出产品开发和品牌管理团队使用的零售服装产品开发模型. 之所以选择这个框架是因为它从零售这个角度强调了服饰产品开发. 两个班级参与了这个项目: 一个初级品牌管理班级和一个高级时装产品开发班级. 7个团队包括四名学习品牌管理的学生和两名学习产品开发的学生. 这两个课程在同一个学期但是不同的时间. 在学期开始的时候, 每个班级都被介绍给了产业合作伙伴并接受了问题. 一半的团队指定为男士品牌, 另一半是女士品牌. 这些小组负责制定解决问题的方法, 制定自己的工作时间表, 在与业界代表保持接触, 并确保每个小组成员以积极的方式负责任. 这些小组的目标是通过用销售规划进程来计划, 发展和展示一条产品线(遵循Wickett, Gaskill和Damhorst 模型) 并为这条产品线发展新的品牌战略. 这些小组展示了趋势, 色彩, 面料和目标市场调查; 制定一个产品线的草图;编辑了草图, 介绍他们的执行计划书写说明书, 配上合适的模型并最终开发生产样品. 品牌班的学生完成了SWOT分析, 品牌测量研究报告, 品牌心智图和完整综合的营销报告. 这些报告在介绍新产品线时同时发表. 将来如果有更多这样的协作机会而且公司希望同时考虑品牌和产品开发战略, 那么课程应该定在相同的时间, 这样学生有更多的时间在一起讨论时间表和被分配的任务. 像上面的任务, 学生不得不每堂课之外的时间见面. 这使得团队工作变得具有挑战性(Pfaff和Huddleston, 2003). 虽然这项工作的后勤是费时设立和管理, 但教授认为对学生的好处是多种多样的. 根据两堂课的学生的回复, 最重要的好处是和产业专业人士一起工作的机会, 跟进他们的进程, 并看到公司里做决定级别的高层对他们作品的评估. 教员们都感激有一个 "真实的世界" 的案例. 制定的创意和战略扩大和加强了品牌和产品开发两个部门的联系. 通过和来自不同知识领域的学生一起工作并且和产业伙伴联系, 遵守产业活动的框架和时间表, 学生小组在新的环境中完成优秀创新的作品是具有挑战性的. 在产品开发和为 "现实生活" 品牌的品牌工作, 这些品牌都在努力给学生一个机会, 看看他们的课程是如何紧密的与现实世界联系, 以及公司运营中设计和商业方面如何需要创造性, 协作和灵活性. 行业人员对(a)学生的知识水平和深度以及执行力, (b)品牌的新思路的创造性产生了深刻的印象.

암성통증관리 만족도 (Patient Satisfaction with Cancer Pain Management)

  • 이소우;김시영;홍영선;김은경;김현숙
    • Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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    • 제6권1호
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    • pp.22-33
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    • 2003
  • 목적 : 본 연구는 국내 암성통증관리지침이 제시된 후 환자들의 통증관리에 대한 만족도, 만족 및 불만족 요인, 통증관리전략을 규명하여 앞으로의 통증관리에 있어 의료인이 지향해야할 세부적인 방향을 제시하기 위함이다. 방법 : 2002년 7월부터 11월까지 서울소재 2개 대학병원 혈액종양내과에 입원 또는 외래치료중인 암환자 59명을 대상으로 하였으며, 미국통증학회의 Patient Outcome Questionnaire(APS-POQ) 및 여러 선행연구를 참고로 연구자들이 구성한 설문지 및 의무기록 열람을 통해 자료를 수집하여 분석한 조사연구이다. 결과 : 1) 대상자의 특성 : 연구대상자의 24시간 동안 가장 심했을 때 통증 평균은 6.74점($0{\sim}10$점 범위), 24시간 평균 통증의 평균은 3.80점이었으며, 통증조절이 이루어진 후 느낀 통증의 정도는 평균 2.93점이었다. 일상 생활에 지장을 주는 정도 합계 평균은 $25.03{\pm}12.82$점($0{\sim}50$점 범위)으로 중등도의 지장을 느끼고 있었으며, 통증에 대한 환자의 염려 항목 중 3점 이상($0{\sim}5$점 범위)인 항목은 질병악화, 중독, 그리고 내성에 대한 항목이었다. 2) 암성통증관리현황 : 진통제를 적절히 복용하고 있는 대상자는 66.1%(39명)이었다. 대상자의 33.9%만 통증조절을 위해 약물이외의 간호중재방법을 사용한 적이 있었고, 의료진으로부터 통증관리에 대한 교육을 받아본 대상자도 35.6%로 나타났다. 3) 통증관리에 대한 환자의 만족도 및 그 이유 : 통증관리에 대한 평균 만족 정도는 $4.19{\pm}1.14$ ($1{\sim}6$점 범위)이었으며, 72.9%(43명)의 대상자가 만족한다고 응답했다. 불만족 하는 이유는 '통증조절 후에도 통증이 감소되지 않았다' '통증을 호소했을 때 빨리 혹은 시기적절하게 대처해주지 않았다', '환자가 통증을 호소할 때, 무관심하며 형식적으로 대했다', '약물 투여방법, 작용시간, 부작용 등 통증 관리에 대한 정보제공이 없었다' 이었으며, 만족하는 이유는 '통증조절 후 통증이 감소했다', '통증을 호소할 때 의료진이 관심을 가져주었다', '의사나 간호사가 신속하게 통증조절을 해주었다' '의사를 신뢰하기 때문' 이었다. 4) 암성통증관리의 만족 또는 불만족에 영향을 미치는 요인 : 만족 집단과 불만족 집단의 통증정도 및 일상생활에 지장을 미치는 정도에 있어서 두 그룹간 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 없었다. 통증관리에 대한 환자의 염려 항목 중 '훌륭한 환자는 통증을 호소하지 않는 자이다'에 있어서 만족 집단의 평균점수가 불만족 집단의 평균점수보다 통계적으로 매우 유의하게 높았다. 결론 : 선행연구들에 비해 암환자의 통증관리에 대한 만족도는 증가하였으나 아직도 30%정도의 대상자는 만족하지 못하는 것으로 나타났다. 암환자의 통증 관리에 대한 만족도 향상을 위해 통증관련 약물, 통증 완화를 위한 간호중재방법 및 환자들의 통증과 관련된 잘못된 지식을 개선하는 내용이 포함된 환자교육이 절실히 요구된다.

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집행관배훈안례연구(阐述工商业背景下的有限合理性):집행관배훈안례연구(执行官培训案例研究) (Interpreting Bounded Rationality in Business and Industrial Marketing Contexts: Executive Training Case Studies)

  • Woodside, Arch G.;Lai, Wen-Hsiang;Kim, Kyung-Hoon;Jung, Deuk-Keyo
    • 마케팅과학연구
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    • 제19권3호
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    • pp.49-61
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    • 2009
  • 本文为执行官提供了他们在处理日常业务问题和市场机会时如何阐述自己思考过程的培训. 本研究建立在Schank提出的教学基础上, 包括: (1)经验学习和最好的指导提供给学习者从诸如全球背景, 团队项目和专家经历等的互动的故事提炼知识和技能的机会. (2) 告诉不会导致学习, 因为在学习需要的行动训练环境中, 应强调积极使用故事, 案例和项目. 每个培训案例包括执行官解释自己的决策系统分析(DSA, 还需要执行官做DSA简报. 在训练时要求执行官写DSA简报. 在执行官学员写书面报告的说明中包括(1) DSA路线图的本质的细节(2) 警告和机会的陈述, 读者的行政地图及图内的DSA解释. 该报告的最大长度为500字, 其规则就是使行政人员培训课程行之有效. 引言之后是第二部分文献综述, 简要地总结了有关人们在对问题和机会的背景下的想法及文献. 第三部分通过使用对不同的贴牌生产客户定价相同的化学产品的培训练习来解释DSA的起源和过程, 第四部分展示一个炼油设备公司订价决策的培训练习. 第五部分提供一个商业客户办公家具采购的市场策略案例. 第六部分是结论和建议. 这些建议是关于使用培训课程和发展其他培训课程来磨练执行官制定决策的能力. 文章引导读者利用工具箱研究综合的报告, (DSA)路线图根据生态合理性理论将战略与环境相匹配. 这三个案例的研究让学习者在意愿层面征求建议来作出决策. Todd and Gigerenzer 提出人们使用简单启发式,因为他们在自然的决策环境中通过探索信息的结构使适应性行为有可能产生. "简单是一种美德, 而不是诅咒", 有限理性理论强调了西蒙的命题中心, "人类理性的行为仿佛一把剪刀, 其刀片则是任务环境的结构和执行者的计算能力". Gigerenzer的观点和西蒙的环境的危害相关, 也和本文中三个环境结构的案例相关. "环境这个词, 在这里, 并不是指总的物理和生理的环境, 而只是指被给予需要和目标的重要有机体 本文关注了结合任务环境的结构和使用适应的工具箱启发的报告. (DSA)路线图根据生态理性理论将战略与环境相匹配. 渴望适应理论是这一方针的核心. 渴望适应理论将决策制定作为一个没有把目标整合的多目标问题模拟成一个把所有决策选项进行完全的优先顺序化. 这三个案例研究让学习者在意愿层面征求建议来作出决策. 渴望适应用一系列的调整步骤的形式. 一个调整步骤通过仅一个目标变量的变化就可以改变在渴望网格上邻近点当前的渴望水平. 上调步骤是目标变量的提高, 下调步骤是目标变量的下降. 创造和使用渴望适应水平是对有限理性理论的整合. 文章通过提供学习者经验和实践环节增加了意愿采纳和有限合理性的理解和特点. 利用DSA图排列CTSs和撰写TOP可以清晰和深化Selten的观点 "清晰, 意愿采纳必须作为研究的解决方案整合到整个蓝图中". 这些有限理性的研究许可了在现实生活中为什么, 如何作决策的理论和在自然的环境中利用启发式的学习训练两方面的发展. 本文中的练习鼓励根据不同使用目的学习快速而简洁的启发式技巧和原则. 这也正回应了Schank的思想 "从本质上来看, 教育不是让学生们知道发生了什么, 而是让他们感受到所发生的事情. 这不容易做到. 在如今的学校教育是没有情感的, 这是一个很大的问题". 这三个案例和附加的练习问题遵守了Schank的观点. "这种教育过程最好是通过参与他们其中来实现, 也可以这样认为, 精神层面的积极讨论".

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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