• Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.27-36
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• 1975

The success of the family planning program in Korea is reflected in the decrease in the growth rate from 3.0% in 1962 to 2.0% in 1971, and in the decrease in the fertility rate from 43/1,000 in 1960 to 29/1,000 in 1970. However, it would be erroneous to attribute these reductions entirely to the family planning program. Other socio-economic factors, such as the increasing age at marriage and the increasing use of induced abortions, definitely had an impact on the lowered growth and fertility rate. Despite the relative success of the program to data in meeting its goals, there is no room for complacency. Meeting the goal of a further reduction in the population growth rate to 1.3% by 1981 is a much more difficult task than any one faced in the past. Not only must fertility be lowered further, but the size of the target population itself will expand tremendously in the late seventies; due to the post-war baby boom of the 1950's reaching reproductive ages. Furthermore, it is doubtful that the age at marriage will continue to rise as in the past or that the incidence of induced abortion will continue to increase. Consequently, future reductions in fertility will be more dependent on the performance of the national family planning program, with less assistance from these non-program factors. This paper will describe various approaches to help to the solution of these current problems. 1. PRACTICE RATE IN FAMILY PLANNING In 1973, the attitude (approval) and knowledge rates were quite high; 94% and 98% respectively. But a large gap exists between that and the actual practice rate, which is only 3695. Two factors must be considered in attempting to close the KAP-gap. The first is to change social norms, which still favor a larger family, increasing the practice rate cannot be done very quickly. The second point to consider is that the family planning program has not yet reached all the eligible women. A 1973 study determineded that a large portion, 3096 in fact, of all eligible women do not want more children, but are not practicing family planning. Thus, future efforts to help close the KAP-gap must focus attention and services on this important large group of potential acceptors. 2. CONTINUATION RATES Dissatisfaction with the loop and pill has resulted in high discontinuation rates. For example, a 1973 survey revealed that within the first six months initial loop acceptance. nearly 50% were dropouts, and that within the first four months of inital pill acceptance. nearly 50% were dropouts. These discontinuation rates have risen over the past few years. The high rate of discontinuance obviously decreases the contraceptive effectiveness. and has resulted in many unwanted births which is directly related to the increase of induced abortions. In the future, the family planning program must emphasize the improved quality of initial and follow-up services. rather than more quantity, in order to insure higher continuation rates and thus more effective contraceptive protection. 3. INDUCED ABORTION As noted earlier. the use of induced abortions has been increase yearly. For example, in 1960, the average number of abortions was 0.6 abortions per women in the 15-44 age range. By 1970. that had increased to 2 abortions per women. In 1966. 13% of all women between 15-44 had experienced at least one abortion. By 1971, that figure jumped to 28%. In 1973 alone, the total number of abortions was 400,000. Besides the ever incre.sing number of induced abortions, another change has that those who use abortions have shifted since 1965 to include- not. only the middle class, but also rural and low-income women. In the future. in response to the demand for abortion services among rural and low-income w~men, the government must provide and support abortion services for these women as a part of the national family planning program. 4. TARGET SYSTIi:M Since 1962, the nationwide target system has been used to set a target for each method, and the target number of acceptors is then apportioned out to various sub-areas according to the number of eligible couples in each area. Because these targets are set without consideration for demographic factors, particular tastes, prejudices, and previous patterns of acceptance in the area, a high discontinuation rate for all methods and a high wastage rate for the oral pill and condom results. In the future. to alleviate these problems of the methodbased target system. an alternative. such as the weighted-credit system, should be adopted on a nation wide basis. In this system. each contraceptive method is. assigned a specific number of points based upon the couple-years of protection (CYP) provided by the method. and no specific targets for each method are given. 5. INCREASE OF STERILIZA.TION TARGET Two special projects. the hospital-based family planning program and the armed forces program, has greatly contributed to the increasing acceptance in female and male sterilization respectively. From January-September 1974, 28,773 sterilizations were performed. During the same time in 1975, 46,894 were performed; a 63% increase. If this trend continues, by the end of 1975. approximately 70,000 sterilizations will have been performed. Sterilization is a much better method than both the loop and pill, in terms of more effective contraceptive protection and the almost zero dropout rate. In the future, the. family planning program should continue to stress the special programs which make more sterilizations possible. In particular, it should seek to add the laparoscope techniques to facilitate female sterilization acceptance rates. 6. INCREASE NUMBER OF PRIVATE ACCEPTORS Among the current family planning users, approximately 1/3 are in the private sector and thus do not- require government subsidy. The number of private acceptors increases with increasing urbanization and economic growth. To speed this process, the government initiated the special hospital based family planning program which is utilized mostly by the private sector. However, in the future, to further hasten the increase of private acceptors, the government should encourage doctors in private practice to provide family planning services, and provide the contraceptive supplies. This way, those do utilize the private medical system will also be able to receive family planning services and pay for it. Another means of increasing the number of private acceptors, IS to greatly expand the commercial outlets for pills and condoms beyond the existing service points of drugstores, hospitals, and health centers. 7. IE&C PROGRAM The current preferred family size is nearly twice as high as needed to achieve a stable poplation. Also, a strong boy preference hinders a small family size as nearly all couples fuel they must have at least one or more sons. The IE&C program must, in the future, strive to emphasize the values of the small family and equality of the sexes. A second problem for the IE&C program to work. with in the: future is the large group of people who approves family planning, want no more children, but do not practice. The IE&C program must work to motivate these people to accept family planning And finally, for those who already practice, an IE&C program in the future must stress continuation of use. The IE&C campaign, to insure highest effectiveness, should be based on a detailed factor analysis of contraceptive discontinuance. In conclusion, Korea faces a serious unfavorable sociodemographic situation- in the future unless the population growth rate can be curtailed. And in the future, the decrease in fertility will depend solely on the family planning program, as the effect of other socio-economic factors has already been maximumally felt. A second serious factor to consider is the increasing number of eligible women due to the 1950's baby boom. Thus, to meet these challenges, the program target must be increased and the program must improve the effectiveness of its current activities and develop new programs.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• 제26권4호
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• pp.247-256
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• 2008

목 적: 직장암에서 수술 전 동시적 항암화학방사선요법을 시행한 환자를 대상으로 항문 괄약근 보존율, 생존율, 예후인자 등을 알아보고자 하였다. 대상 및 방법: 1999년 1월부터 2007년 6월까지 직장암 환자로 진단되어 수술 전 동시적 항암화학방사선요법을 시행한 환자는 모두 150명이었다. 이 중 진단시 원격전이가 없고 재발암이 아니며 본원에서 근치적 수술을 받은 환자 중 계획된 방사선치료를 완료한 총 82명의 환자를 대상으로 하였다 방사선치료는 일일 $1.8{\sim}2\;Gy$씩, 주 5회 $41.4{\sim}46\;Gy$ (중앙값 44 Gy)를 전 골반에 조사한 후 원발부위 및 고위험 부위에 총 방사선량이 $43.2\;Gy{\sim}54\;Gy$(중앙값 50.4 Gy)까지 추가 조사하였다. 항암화학요법은 66명(80.5%)에서 5-fluorouracil (5-FU), leucovorin, cisplatin을 정주하였고, 15명(19.5%)에서는 5-FU와 leucovorin만을 정주하여 방사선치료 기간 동안 4주 간격으로 2회 시행되었다. 수술은 동시적 항암화학방사선치료 종료 후 $3{\sim}45$주(중앙값 7주)가 경과되어 시행되었다. 수술 후 유지 항암화학요법은 총 38명(47.6%)에서 시행되었다. 결 과: 전체 환자의 항문 괄약근 보존율은 73.2%(60명)이었다. 이 중 종양의 최하 위치가 항문연으로부터 5 cm 미만인 환자 48명중 31명(64.6%)에서, 5 cm 이상인 환자 34명 중 29명(85.3%)에서 항문 괄약근을 보존할 수 있었다. 수술 후 병리적 완전관해율은 14.6% (12/82)였다. 전체 환자의 T병기 하강률은 42.7% (35/82)였고, N병기 하강률은 75.5% (37/49)였으며, 전체 병기 감소율은 67.1% (55/82)였다. 전체 환자의 추적 관찰 기간은 $11{\sim}107$ 개월로 중앙값은 38개월이었다. 전체 환자의 5년 생존율, 무병생존율 및 국소종용제어율은 각각 67.4%, 58.9%, 84.4%였다. 수술 후 병기별 5년 생존율은 0 (n=12), I (n=16), II (n=30), III (n=23)기에서 각각 100%, 59.1%, 78.6%, 36.9%이었고 IV 병기 1예는 43개월 현재 생존 중이다(p=0.02). 병기별 5년 무병생존율은 0, I, II, III, IV 기에서 각각 77.8%, 63.6%, 58.9%, 51.1%, 0%였다(p<0.001). 병기별 5년 국소종양제어율은 0, I, II, III기 에서 각각 88.9%, 93.8%, 91.1%, 68.2%였고 IV병기 1예는 43개월 현재 국소재발 없이 생존 중이다(p=0.01). 생존율에 영향을 미치는 예후인자를 분석하기 위하여 연령(${\geq}55$세 VS. >55세), 임상적 병기(I+II vs, III), 방사선치료 종료 후 수술까지의 경과기간(${\leq}6$주 vs. >6주), 수술방법 (항문괄약근보존술 vs. 비보존술), 병리학적 T병기, 병리학적 N 병기, 병리학적 전체병기(0 vs. I+II vs. III+IV), 병리학적 완전관해여부 등 총 8개의 다변량 분석상, 연령과 병리학적 N병기는 전체 생존율에, 병리학적 전체 병기는 무병생존율에, 병리학적 N병기는 국소종양제어율에 각각 유의하였다. 전체 환자 중 재발한 환자는 모두 25명으로 국소재발 10명, 원격전이 13명, 국소 및 원격전이가 동시에 있던 환자 2명이었다 항암화학 방사선치료 중 등급 3 이상의 혈액학적 독성은 백혈구 감소가 2명이었고, 등급 3의 피부반응이 1명이었다. 수술 후 60일 이내의 입원을 요할 정도의 합병증으로는 총 11명으로 문합부 누출 5명, 골반부 농양이 2명, 그외 4명 등이었다. 결 론: 직장암에서 수술 전 동시적 항암화학방사선요법으로 병기 하강 및 항문 괄약근 보존에 유용한 결과를 얻었고, 수술 전 항암화학방사선요법으로 인한 독성은 미미하였다. 병리학적 N병기가 생존율과 국소종양제어율에 유의한 예후 인자로 나타나 이들에 대한 수술 후 보조적 요법이 더욱 강화될 필요가 있다고 생각된다.

• 수면정신생리
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.100-108
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• 2010

목 적: 컴퓨터의 보급으로 인터넷 사용이 보편화되면서 인터넷 중독에 대한 관심이 증가하고 있다. 그러나 인터넷 중독의 정확한 병태생리에 대한 이해와 진단 기준은 아직 확립되어 있지 않다. 청소년은 발달 과정 중에 있기 때문에 인터넷 중독에 더 취약할 가능성이 있으며, 우울감과 수면 문제에 대한 이해가 중요하다. 본 연구에서는 청소년의 인터넷 중독, 수면 양상, 그리고 우울감의 특징과 그 연관성을 살펴보고자 하였다. 방 법:서울 시내 일 중, 고등학교의 중학교 2학년(155명), 고등학교 1, 2학년 학생(644명)을 대상으로 하였고 그 중 696명의 설문지를 분석 대상으로 하였다. 설문지에는 Young 인터넷 중독 척도(Young's Internet Addiction Scale, YI-AS), 피츠버그 수면의 질 척도(Pittsburgh Sleep Quality In-dex, PSQI), 우울감 척도(The Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale, CES-D), 그리고 인터넷 사용 패턴과 기본적인 인구학적 정보에 대한 질문들이 포함되었다. 연구 대상자들을 학년별, YIAS 점수에 따라 나누어 비교하였고, YIAS와 다른 변인과의 상관관계를 분석하였다(two-tailed, p<0.05). 결 과: 인터넷 중독군(internet-addicted, IA)은 14명(2.0%), 과사용군(over-using, ou)은 193명(27.7%), 비중독군(not-addicted, NA)군은 489명(70.3%) 이었으며, 전체 대상군의 평균 IAS 점수는 35.24점, PSQI 점수는 5.53점, CES-D 점수는 16.72점이었다. 평일 평균적인 수면 시간은 학년이 올라가면서 점점 감소하였다(F=51.909, p< 0.001). IA군, OU군, NA군으로 나누어 비교하였을 때 컴퓨터를 공부 이외의 목적으로 사용하는 시간(96.36${\pm}$63.31분 vs. 134.92${\pm}$86.79분 vs. 213.57${\pm}$136.87분, F=34.287, p<0.001), 휴대용 전자기기를 공부 이외의 목적으로 사용하는 시간(84.22${\pm}$79.11분 vs. 96.97${\pm}$91.89분 vs. 152.31${\pm}$93.64분, F=5.400, p=0.005)에 유의한 차이가 있었다. PSQI 총점(5.26${\pm}$2.97 vs. 6.08${\pm}$2.97 vs. 7.50${\pm}$4.41, F= 8.218, p<0.001)과 CES-D 점수(15.40${\pm}$8.08 vs. 19.05${\pm}$8.42 vs. 30.43${\pm}$13.69, F=32.692, p<0.001)에서도 유의한 차이가 있었다. YIAS 점수는 컴퓨터를 공부 이외의 목적으로 사용하는 시간(r=0.356, p${\pm}$0.001), 휴대용 전자기기를 공부 이외의 목적으로 사용하는 시간(r=0.136, p<0.001)과 유의한 상관관계가 있었다. YIAS 점수와 PSQI 점수(r= 0.131, p=0.001), YIAS 점수와 CES-D 점수(r=0.265, p< 0.001), PSQI 점수와 CES-D 점수(r=0.357, p<0.001)는 서로 유의한 상관관계가 있었다. 결 론: 인터넷 중독은 행위 중독의 한 가지로 여러 정신병리와 관련이 있을 뿐만 아니라, 수면의 질을 결정하는 여러 가지 요인들, 우울감과도 밀접한 관련이 있다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 청소년의 인터넷 중독을 평가할 때 동반될 우울감과 수면 양상에 대한 고려가 함께 이루어지는 통합적인 접근이 필요할 것이다.

• 농촌의학ㆍ지역보건
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• 제30권1호
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• pp.1-14
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• 2005

보훈병원 입원환자의 재원기간과 진료비분석을 위해 일개 보훈병원에서 2001년 1월부터 2003년 12월 31일까지의 입원환자를 대상으로 9,640명의 진료비 대장을 분석하여 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었다. 1. 조사대상자의 성별 분포는 남자 70.9%, 여자 29.1%로 남자의 비율이 여자보다 높았다. 연령별로는 70대이상 42.6%, 50-60대 31.8%, 20대이하 13.4%, 30-40대 12.1%로 나타났으며, 의료보장별로는 의료보험이 78.1%, 의료보호가 14.2%, 일반환자가 4.1%, 자보환자가 2.8%, 산재환자가 0.8%로 나타났다. 진료과목별 분포는 내과가 28.3%, 정형외과 21.3%, 외과 16.6%, 신경외과 7.1%, 소아과 5.9%로 나타났다. 보훈 대상자군의 성별분포는 남자 99.3%, 여자 0.7%이였으며, 연령별로는 70대 이상 51.6%, 50-60대 42.2%, 30-40대 4.7%. 20대이하 1.6%였으며, 지역별로 살펴보면 대전 거주자 1, 550명 43.5%, 충남 거주자 838명 23.5%, 충북 거주자 785명 22.0%순으로 나타났다. 2. 보훈병원 입원환자의 21대분류 상병분포는 손상, 중독 및 외인에 의한 특정기타 결과 17.1%, 소화기계의 질환 16.1%, 근골격계 및 결합조직의 질환 13.9%, 호흡기계 질환 9.4%, 비뇨 생식계의 질환 8.6%로 나타났다. 보훈대상자군을 21대 분류상병별로 보면 근골격계 및 결합조직의 질환 19.4%, 소화기계의 질환 16.8%, 손상, 중독 및 외인에 의한 특정 기타 결과 15.7%, 비뇨 생식계의 질환 9.7%, 순환기계 질환이 8.2%순으로 나타났다. 3. 평균 재원일수는 29.0일, 보훈대상자군 51.8일, 비대상자군은 15.7일이며, 총진료비는 평균 3,669,579원, 보훈대상자군 7,263,877원, 비대상자군 1,560,333원이다. 본인 및 보험자 부담비율은 55.2 : 44.8로 나타났고, 본인부담 비율은 보훈 대상자군의 경우 61.7%, 비대상군의 경우 33.0%였다. 4. 대분류 상병별 총진료비는 순환기계 질환 6,593,662원, 근골격계 및 결합조직의 질환 4,716,317원, 비뇨 생식계 질환 4,487,799원, 손상, 중독 및 외인에 의한 특정 기타 결과가 4,199618원이며, 항목별 진료비 구조는 입원료가 34.7%, 약제비 13.2%, 행위료 부분이 48.6%, 기타 3.4%로 나타났고, 항목별로는 입원료가 34.7%, 물리치료 및 처치료가 26.3%, 수술료 9.7%, 주사재료비 7.8%, 투약재료비 5.4%, 검사료 52%순으로 나타났다. 보훈대상자군의 경우 물리치료비 및 처치료 35.3%, 입원료 35.2%, 주사재료비 62%, 수술료 5.9%로 나타났으며, 비대상자군의 경우 입원료 35.7%, 수술료 16.4%, 주사재료비 11.4%, 검사료 8.3%로 나타났다. 5. 보훈대상자의 거주지와 병원간 거리별로 상병구조를 비교해 보았을 때 21.5Km내의 지역에서는 달리 분류되지 않은 증상, 징후와 임상 및 검사의 이상소견 56.0%, 손상, 중독 및 외인에 의한 특정 기타 결과 55.6%, 눈 및 눈 부속기의 질환 52.9%순으로 나타났고, 21.5km 밖의 지역에서는 신생물 57.4%, 근골격계 및 결합조직의 질환 55.9%, 비뇨생식계의 질환 53.5%순으로 나타났다. 결론적으로 보훈대상자의 70.6%가 60세 이상이고, 평균재원일수가 51.8일 점을 볼 때 보훈병원에 장기요양시설에 대한 대책이 절대적으로 필요하다는 것을 알 수 있으며, 총진료비가 높은 순환기 질환, 근골격계 질환, 신생물 등 만성질환 관리를 위한 노력이 필요하리라 생각된다. 상위 7개 질환군이 77.9%를 차지하고 있으므로 노인연령층에서 지속적으로 발생하고 있는 치사율이 높은 뇌혈관 및 심혈관의 순환기계 질환, 악성신생물, 그리고 불의의 사고를 주요 건강문제로 설정하여 뇌혈관 및 심혈관의 순환기계 질환은 적절한 신체적, 정신적, 사회적 활동유지를, 악성신생물의 경우는 만성질환 조기 발견 및 관리를, 불의의 사고와 관련해서는 장애 및 만성질환에 따른 불편의 최소화를 주요 목표로 하여 다양한 프로그램을 개발하여 시행해야 한다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.