• Title/Summary/Keyword: clear

Search Result 11,451, Processing Time 0.041 seconds

Application of Automated Microscopy Equipment for Rock Analog Material Experiments: Static Grain Growth and Simple Shear Deformation Experiments Using Norcamphor (유사물질 실험을 위한 자동화 현미경 실험 기기의 적용과 노캠퍼를 이용한 입자 성장 및 단순 전단 변형 실험의 예)

  • Ha, Changsu;Kim, Sungshil
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
    • /
    • v.54 no.2
    • /
    • pp.233-245
    • /
    • 2021
  • Many studies on the microstructures in rocks have been conducted using experimental methods with various equipment as well as natural rock studies to see the development of microstructures and understand their mechanisms. Grain boundary migration of mineral aggregates in rocks could cause grain growth or grain size changes during metamorphism or deformation as one of the main recrystallization mechanisms. This study suggests improved ways regarding the analog material experiments with reformed equipment to see sequential observations of these grain boundary migration. It can be more efficient than the existing techniques and carry out an appropriate microstructure analysis. This reformed equipment was implemented to enable optical manipulation by mounting polarizing plates capable of rotating operation on a stereoscopic microscope and a deformation rig capable of experimenting with analog materials. The equipment can automatically control the temperature and strain rate of the deformation rig by microcontrollers and programming and can take digital photomicrographs with constant time intervals during the experiment to observe any microstructure changes. The composite images synthesized using images by rotated polarizing plates enable us to see more accurate grain boundaries. As a rock analog material, norcamphor(C7H10O) was used, which has similar birefringence to quartz. Static grain growth and simple shear deformation experiments were performed using the norcamphor to verify the effectiveness of the equipment. The static grain growth experiments showed the characteristics of typical grain growth behavior. The number of grains decreases and the average grain size increases over time. These case experiments also showed a clear difference between the growth curves with three temperature conditions. The result of the simple shear deformation experiment under the medium temperature-low strain rate showed no significant change in the average grain size but presented the increased elongation of grain shapes in the direction of about 53° regarding the direction perpendicular to the shearing direction as the shear strain increases over time. These microstructures are interpreted as both the plastic deformation and the internal recovery process in grains are balanced by the deformation under the given experimental conditions. These experiments using the reformed equipment represent the ability to sequentially observe changing the microstructure during experiments as desired in the tests with the analog material during the entire process.

Effect of Tree DBH and Age on Stem Decay in Quercus mongolica and Quercus variabilis (신갈나무와 굴참나무의 수간부후와 흉고직경 및 임령 관계)

  • Kang, Jin-Taek;Ko, Chi-Ung;Moon, Ga-Hyun;Lee, Seung-Hyun;Lee, Sun-Jeoung;Yim, Jong-Su
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
    • /
    • v.109 no.4
    • /
    • pp.492-503
    • /
    • 2020
  • This study was conducted to analyze stem decay in Quercus mongolica and Quercus variabilis in Korea. To ensure even allocation, a total of 5,005 sample trees (2,504 Q. mongolica and 2,501 Q. variabilis) were cut and collected in five regions and 27 subregions. The trees were then examined for stump decay and assigned to four classes based on the degree of scar, tissue decay and decolorization, splitting, and tree hollowing. The results show that the decay rate of Q. mongolica was 66.1%, at least twice as high as that of Q. variabilis, which was rated at 35% (χ2 = 631.15, p < 0.001). The comparison among regions indicated that the highest ratio of Q. mongolica occurs in the Central Regional Forest Service zone (76.5%), followed by the Northern zone (74.8%) and Eastern zone (65.7%). In contrast, the greatest proportion of Q. variabilis is found in the Northern Regional Forest Service zone (38.6%), followed by the Southern (32.9%) and Eastern (37.8%) zones. A statistically significant difference was seen among the five zones (p < 0.05, p < 0.001). There was also a clear tendency for the proportions for the two species to increase with a rise in the DBH. With respect to age, however, a statistically significant difference was found (p < 0.01, p < 0.05) only in Q. mongolica, whose rate increased with the increase in age. Our results show that as the DBH and age increases, the conditions of tissue decay and decolorization are manifested in Q. mongolica, whereas scars are common in Q. variabilis.

The Survey on Actual Condition Depending on Type of Degraded area and Suggestion for Restoration Species Based on Vegetation Information in the Mt. Jirisan Section of Baekdudaegan (식생정보에 기초한 백두대간 지리산권역 내 훼손지 유형별 실태조사)

  • Lee, Hye-Jeong;Kim, Ju-Young;Nam, Kyeong-Bae;An, Ji-Hong
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
    • /
    • v.34 no.6
    • /
    • pp.558-572
    • /
    • 2020
  • The purpose of this study was to classify the types of degraded areas of Mt. Jirisan section in Baekdudaegan and survey the actual condition of each damage type to use it as basic data for the direction of the restoration of damaged areas according to damage type based on the vegetation information of reference ecosystem. The analysis of the Mt. Jirisan section's actual degraded conditions showed that the total number of patches of degraded areas was 57, and the number of patches and size of degraded areas was higher at the low average altitude and gentle slope. Grasslands (deserted lands) and cultivated areas accounted for a high portion of the damage types, indicating that agricultural land use was a major damage factor. The survey on the conditions of 14 degraded areas showed that the types of damage were classified into the grassland, cultivated area, restoration area, logged-off land, and bare ground. The analysis of the degree of disturbance (the ratio of annual and biennial herb, urbanized index, and disturbance index) by each type showed that the simple single-layer vegetation structure mostly composed of the herbaceous and the degree of disturbance were high in the grassland and cultivated land. The double-layer vegetation structure appeared in the restoration area where the pine seedlings were planted, and the inflow of naturalized plants was especially high compared to other degraded areas due to disturbances caused by the restoration project and the nearby hiking trails. Although the inflow of naturalized plants was low because of high altitude in bare ground, the proportion of annual and biennial herb was high, indicating that all surveyed degraded areas were in early succession stages. The stand ordination by type of damage showed the restoration area on the I-axis, cultivated area, grassland, logged-off land, and bare ground in that order, indicating the arrangement by the damage type. Moreover, the stand ordination of the degraded areas and reference ecosystem based on floristic variation showed a clear difference in species composition. This study diagnosed the status of each damage type based on the reference ecosystem information according to the ecological restoration procedure and confirmed the difference in species composition between the diagnosis result and the reference ecosystem. These findings can be useful basic data for establishing the restoration goal and direction in the future.

Breeding and characteristics of Uram, a New Variety of Pleurotus nebrodensis (백령느타리 신품종 '우람'의 육성 및 특성)

  • Ha, Tai-Moon;Jung, Gu-Hyun;Kim, Jeoung-Suk;Choi, Jong-In;Kim, Jeong-Han;Lee, Yong-Seon;Jeong, Yung-Kyeoung
    • Journal of Mushroom
    • /
    • v.19 no.2
    • /
    • pp.88-95
    • /
    • 2021
  • This study was carried out to breed new variety of Pleurotus nebrodensis. We have collected and tested characteristics of genetic resources from domestic and abroad since 2015. The varieties of P. nebrodensis from China are grown by farmers, but those have been unstable fruiting and are weak against bacterial diseases. To solve this problem, we bred the unique domestic variety 'Uram' of P. nebrodensis and the results of the characteristic test for the new 'Uram' are as follows. The proper temperature for the mycelial growth was 26~29℃ and fruit body growth temperature was 15~18℃. It was similar to the control variety KME65035 of P. nebrodensis in the pileus form of a flat and white color. The number of days required for initial fruting was 5 days for bottle cultivation and 6 days for bag cultivation which was 2-4 days shorter than that of the control variety. The pileus diameter was 32.6-37.0 mm which was smaller but the fruit body length was 130.4 mm, which was longer than those of the control variety. The effective number of fruit bodies was 1.8 in bottle cultivation and 2.9 in bag cultivation, which was more than those of the control variety. The yield rate was 93.3-100%, which was more stable than those of the control variety. In bottle cultivation and bag cultivation, the yield was 173.1 g/bottle (1100 cc) and 283.4 g/bag (1.2 kg), respectively, which was 25-44% higher than those of the control variety 138.0 g/bottle (1100 cc) and 197.4 g bag (1.2 kg). When incubating the parent and control varieties of 'Uram', the replacement line was clear and as a result of mycelial DNA RAPD-PCR reaction, the band pattern was different from that of the parent and control varieties, confirming the hybrid species.

Study on the Recognition of Forest-Official's and Stakeholders's Toward Improvement of Tree Cutting Permit System (입목벌채 허가제도 개선에 대한 벌채허가 담당자와 벌채 실행자의 인식조사)

  • Park, Kyung-Seok;Lee, Seong-Youn;Bae, Sang-Won;Kim, Min-Hee;Kim, Hyun-Sig;Baik, Kyung-Soo;An, Ki-Wan
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
    • /
    • v.100 no.2
    • /
    • pp.292-304
    • /
    • 2011
  • The purpose of this study is to draw institutional implications for tree cutting permit system improvement in comparison with Korea and foreign countries (German, Japan). A survey about recognition of cutting system and cutting-invigorating factors for two groups in charge of work for cutting permit (forest-official) and cutting operation (forest owner, tree butcher, forestry association, and forestry corporation) was carried out. The survey provides basic information which is necessary to improve current cutting system. The result of analysis about both German and Japan's cutting system show that clear cutting area to hinder function of forests tends to decrease and flexible final age of maturity considering condition of regional forest not uniform cutting age were applied. As a result of German and Japan's cutting system review flexible cutting system on regional characteristics is used to manage for the purpose of forest regeneration. The survey result about awareness and invigorating factors of cutting system represents that only public official group said final age of pine tree (3.13) and cedar (3.05) was proper and final age of other species of trees should have shortened. In matters of cutover area, current standard is less than 5ha per a felling area and the largest total area limit is 30 ha, only tree butcher, forestry corporation said cutover area must expand. Invigorating factors of current cutting system are reinforcement of cutover area, facility support, enrichment of technical training, increase of equipment support, simplification of administrative procedures, and provision of various benefits. The reinforcement of technical training among them especially represents the statistical significance of the participants' differential recognition.

Review on the Legal Status and Personality of International Organization Hosted in Korea - In Case of AFoCO Secretariat - (글로벌시대 국내유치 국제기구의 법인격 - 한·아시아산림협력기구(AFoCO) 사무국의 사례를 중심으로 -)

  • Choi, Cheol-Young
    • Journal of Legislation Research
    • /
    • no.44
    • /
    • pp.211-239
    • /
    • 2013
  • In 2012, the Korean government has hosted the AFoCO Secretariat in Seoul. The AFoCO Secretariat is established by Agreement between the Governments of the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Republic of Korea on Forest Cooperation (AFoCO Agreement) which is initiated by the Korea. The Korea government, however, does not have any laws and regulations to regulate the matter of legal status and legal personality of nationally hosted international organizations including the AFoCO Secretariat. Therefore, the legal status and legal personality of AFoCO Secretariat in international and domestic arena are still not clear. To articulate such issues and to propose some answers, this article analyzes the international and domestic legal theory and practice about the status and legal personality of public international organizations. As a result, it is common in the literature to delimit international organizations by some standards. One characteristic is that international organizations are usually created between states. A second characteristic is that they are established by means of a treaty. And as a third characteristic, international organizations must possess at least one organ which has a will distinct from the will of its members. According to those criteria, the AFoCO Secretariat can be categorized as a public international organization. It means that the AFoCO enjoys certain privileges and immunities as a public international organization and must confer legal capacity in Korea even there is no domestic laws and regulations conferred the status and legal personality to it. It, however, will be a better way to confer domestic legal personality on the AFoCO Secretariat through a domestic act like an "Act on the Assistance of International Organization Attraction". This act will stipulate the legal status of international organization in Korea including the privileges and immunities as well as the matter of assistance of hosting international organizations.

A Study on 'Seungininsangmu' of Haejugwonbeon (<성인인상무>에 대한 연구)

  • Kim, Young-Hee;Kim, Kyung-Sook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.35
    • /
    • pp.93-123
    • /
    • 2017
  • The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

The crossing the border into Liadong by Mangong and Jeokhyu, the high priests in the early Joseon Dynasty, and the rebuilding of the Chinese, Buddhist temples (조선초 고승 만공(滿空)과 적휴(適休)의 요동(遼東) 월경(越境)과 중국사찰 중창)

  • Hwang, In-Gyu
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
    • /
    • no.70
    • /
    • pp.407-434
    • /
    • 2018
  • This study took a look at the crossing the border into Liadong in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has nearly not been paid attention to in the history of the Buddhism in Korea, and the Chinese, Buddhist whereabouts of Monk Mangong and Jeokhyu, the periodical, Buddhist priests. Regarding the large-scale, Buddhist oppression measures of King Taejong in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty and King Sejong, the Buddhist circle did not not respond helplessly, but, rather, it had made the resistance on its own way. Especially, the Naonghyegeum of Jogyeseonjong and the disciple affiliates of Taegobowu had stood out. The disciples of Bowu had mainly hit the Sinmungo or had advocated the self-purification of Buddhism. And the disciple affiliates of Naong either had reorganized the Buddhist circle with Muhak in the center or had opposed the suppression. And, by receiving the help of the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, they had intended to protect the Buddhist circle, or they, also, crossed the border into Liadong. Although, while attempting the crossing the border into another territory, they were arrested like the sea ships, like Mangong of King Taejong and Jeokhyu of King Sejong, they succeeded in crossing the border into another territory, and they left the clear whereabouts in the Chinese, Buddhist circle. Mangong was one Buddhist monk among the 11 Buddhist monks who crossed the border into Liadong during the King Taejong. After crossing the border, Mangong had moved again from Beijing on a sea route and had settled for after going into a mountain in the Zen sect at the Tienchieh temple in Nanjing. Meanwhile, he had been close to the Joseon Dynasty, and he relocated to Mount Taishan, where there had been the history, thereby rebuilding the Chikurin Temple and the Buchauchan temple and widely publicizing the Buddhism. During the time of King Sejong, by crossing the border into Liadong together with a total of 10 Monks, including the Buddhist monks Shinnae, Shinhyu, Shindam, Hyeseon, Hongjeok, Haebi, Shinyeon, Honghye, Shinwun, etc., under the protection by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in Beijing, Jeokhyu went through Shanhaiguan and had moved to the Tienchieh Temple in Nanjing. Although their whereabouts can not be known, on the Guji Mountain in Beijing, Jeokhyu founded the Banyaseonsa Temple nearby the Ryeongamseonsa Temple, where the clergy and the laity of the Goryeo Dynasty had resided and, especially, where Naong and the disciples of Muhak etc. had stayed. As such, the Buddhist monks in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty had either resisted the suppression by the country or crossed the border into another territory. Mangong and Jeokhyu of the times of King Taejong and King Sejong had led the Chinese, Buddhism circle, had rebuilt the Buddhist temples, and had contributed to the development of the Chinese Buddhism.

Southeast Asian Hindu Art from the 6th to the 7th Centuries (6-7세기의 동남아 힌두 미술 - 인도 힌두미술의 전파와 초기의 변용 -)

  • Kang, Heejung
    • The Southeast Asian review
    • /
    • v.20 no.3
    • /
    • pp.263-297
    • /
    • 2010
  • The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo (영조대(英祖代) 황조인(皇朝人)에 대한 인식)

  • Roh, Hyekyung
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
    • /
    • no.37
    • /
    • pp.127-159
    • /
    • 2009
  • This paper is about the conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo in the Joseon Dynasity. Originally, Hwangjoin meant the Chinese people till the mid-term of the Joseon Dynasty but the meaning was changed to the immigrants from the Ming(明) dynasty in reign of King Youngjo. They were Han Chinese(漢族) and moved to the Joseon between the Japanese Invasion in 1592 and the Manchu war in 1636. The Joseon government gave a warm welcome to them. Two wars made the Joseon government pay attention to the national restoration and served the entrance of 'Sallim(山林)' on the central government as a momentum. Song, Siyeol(宋時烈) was the leader of Sallim, who made an issue of 'Daecheong-boksu Discourse(對淸復讐論;to revenge on Ching(淸) Dynasty)' like a way of 'Bukbeol(北伐;to attack Ching Dynasty)'. His plan came to fail because of the death of King Hyojong and was replaced with Jonju Discourse(尊周論;respect for Zhou Dynasty). Daebodan(大報壇) was built in the reign of King Sukjong, which meant Joseon got the justness that they inherited from the Ming Dynasty. Later Daebodan expanded and it led to works in honor of loyal subjects and patriots, victims of two wars and a policy of a warm reception for Hwangjoin. King Youngjo did his best to theorize Daemyeong Euiri Discourse(對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse for himself. His efforts came out as a spread of conception on Pungcheon(風泉;fengquan), publication and education of Eoje-seo (御製書) and making literary works(英祖御製). King Youngjo employed many policies for Hwangjoin. First, operation of Chungnyanggwa(忠良科) opened a door for them to go into politics. Second, descendants of Hwangjoin had charge of Hwangdan's guard(皇壇 守直) posts. and joined in the sacrificial rites of Ming Emperors. Third, they could have government jobs and honorary posts for ancestors' merits. Fourth, a list of Hwangjoin, "Hwainlok(華人錄)" was published and they got preferential treatment unlike Hyanhwain(向化人). King Young's Pungcheon(風泉) had an effect on literature such as Lee, Gyusang(李奎象)'s "Beong-sejaeunlok(幷世才彦錄)" and Song, Gyubin(宋奎斌)'s Pungcheon-yuhyang(風泉遺響)". The general people of Joseon were jealous and envious of them because of special treatment polices for Hwangjoin. So people wanted to be included in Hwangjoin as far as possible and there were cases of pretending to be a Hwangjoin. The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo was realized as the policy for Hwangjoin based on Daemyeong Euiri Discourse (對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse(尊周論). It was a way of becoming clear about Joseon's position in political principle.