• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.26
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• pp.289-310
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• 1995

The present study aims at investigating the style change of the Korean women's traditional costume and analyzing its character in accordance with the social changes during the period from the civilization in 1884 to the present. The design of the tranditional costume which might be formed in the era of the Three Kingdoms had been slowly modified, and the Korean jacket and skirt design was settled in the Chosun period. In the end of the Chosun period, the drastic social changes such as civilization and revolution, together with the introduction of western dresses, affected strongly the traditional costume design. This led to a change from the old dress design to the stylish and practical one because civilized women and high school girls wore the modified costume composed of long jacket and short skirt or western style dresses. In recent years after 1960's Korean women usually wore traditional costumes as ceremonial dresses be-cause the western style dresses replaced the tra-ditional costume in everyday life. After 1970's, however, the A-line silhouette, combined with ornaments, adapted to the traditional costume in order to emphasize women's beauty, thereby resulting in remarkable modification in the tra-ditional costume. In those days, the large pro-duction of various textiles such as nylon and tetron and the appearance of the traditional costume designers played an important role in developing beautiful traditional costume designs and bringing closer together with general public women. These recent design changes might be classified generally by the following three stages ; (1) "the period of settlement" (1965 1975), (2) "the period of maturity" (1976 1985), and (3) "the period of stabilization" (1986 1995). The costume design of each period was discussed and compared in detail according to historical events. From this study, inherent beauty of the Korean traditional costume can be recognized again, and clarified its position as our folkdress. It is also suggested that in future its modification should be achieved continuously in accordance with tra-dition and modern sense.h tra-dition and modern sense.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.8
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• pp.132-150
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• 2010

The purpose of this research was to study the forms and styles of the costumes in the Peking Opera of China and to figure out the symbolism and aesthetic value of the costumes. The research was done using documentary Peking Opera, the costumes can be seen as a special kind of language which audience members can clearly understand it. Therefore, the spectators can understand instantly the sex, age, personality, and position of the character by seeing the style, color, and patterns of the costumes. As a result, one can call the costumes of Peking Opera, "picturizing costumes". The typical costumes are mangpao, pi, kao, xiezi, yi. Mangpao is the ceremonial robe often used by emperors and officials. It can be worn by lao sheng, xiao sheng and wu sheng. Bright yellow and apricot yellow colors are used exclusively by those who play the parts of emperors, foreign rulers, princes and the Monkey King. The next costume style to be discussed is Pi. Pi is the informal dress for the emperor, and young officials that are involved in civilian or military duties. The third costume style to be explored is Kao: the garment that a stage warrior wears when going into battle. This warrior can have three kinds of armor: the hard armor, the soft armor and the newly revised armor. Fourthly, the costume that is the most commonly worn, xiezi, is examined; it is the informal coat for every one regardless of one's age, sex, role, or level of nobility. Finally, the last of the typical costumes is Yi; this costume category includes numerous kinds of costumes, such as kaichang, baguaiyi, fayi, guanyi, yulinjia, kanjian, toupeng, jianyi, etc

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.63 no.7
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• pp.176-188
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• 2013

This research examines embroidery panels of Hwarot belonging to the Victoria and Albert Museum (the V&A). There are a total of seven objects and are all disassembled into clothe pieces. They were classified into two groups according to their acquisition year. One group, four objects, was acquired by the Museum in 1920. Considering their materials, embroidery threads, techniques and formative characteristics of patterns, it can be assumed that the objects formed an original dress, Hwarot. Although they look very similar to the embroidery patterns of Hwarot belonging to National Folklore Museum of Korea, they are more finely embroidered with very thin embroidery thread that uses the Jarisu technique. There are some differences in used embroidery threads and embroidery skills between Hwarot artifacts of the National Museum of Korea and the V&A. The embroidery of the National Museum of Korea used thicker threads and longer (approximately 0.7cm) Jarisu stitch techniques. With these details, they would have been made in different time periods. Comparison of the V&A and Changdeok Palace' Hwarot objects show that their patterns' motifs are almost similar but the pattern units, expressions and embroidery techniques are different. Regarding the colors of their patterns, it is noticeable that the peonies are generally expressed in reddish and the lotus patterns are expressed in either bluish or purplish color. It seems that they are contrasted with red-colored flowers and show harmony between yin and yang symbolically. Three artifacts of another group were acquired in 1925. Two of them show patterns almost the same as those of the sleeves of Hwarot (no.33156, no.33158) in Chicago Field Museum collection. The pattern of the remaining object is very similar to Hansam of Hwarot (no.33158).

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.51 no.8
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• pp.13-24
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• 2001

With development of our society, the Hanbok, which is the traditional clothing of our country, is mainly used only on the festive days or marriage ceremony or so as a ceremonial dress and seems lack in wearing as plain clothes. But in the other hand. with general public became no more unfamiliar with the representation of Korean realities and accepted them as a part of life in 90', the modernized Hanbok that features seasoning the practicality into the aesthetic natures of the traditional Hanbok has been rooting in our country. The existing researches on the modernized Hanbok, however. are focused only in the design of the modernized Hanbok, the present conditions of the modernized Hanbok business and the actual condition of the modernized Hanbok, and the aspect in systematic research on the customers'purchasing behavior is weak in comparison with other areas. The goal of this research, by focusing in the value which is the most basic concept of psychological components indicating the customers' behavior, was : first. to make clear the value of the modernized Hanbok and divide the customers into various groups : second, to make clear the characteristics on the population statistics by the groups divided on the clothing value : third, to make clear the individual differences among the customers of the modernized Hanbok : and forth, to make clear the basis on which to estimate the modernized Hanbok by the customers'groups. This research adopted the surrey inquiry. The first investigation is carried out on the modernized Hanbok purchasers and salesmen in Insa-dong where the modernized Hanbok business is massed. As correction and complement for the first investigation. the final investigation is carried out in Oct. 2000 with the 480 persons from twenties to sixties consisting of the modernized Hanbok purchasers and experienced persons in wearing it.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.14
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• pp.63-73
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• 1990

The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

• Archives of design research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.43-62
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• 1989

The luxury is the expression of human being's ornament instinct. In this study, in order to grasp the moulding system of the Korean's personal ornaments, the process of luxury prohibition was reviewed to search for to which direction the ornaments developed in the frame of the prohibited style connected closely to the character of the personal ornaments. The proiod was fixed from the old society to the late Chosun dynasty era. The beginning of the luxury in Korea seems to be the start of the luxury burial at the time of funeral in the age of Koguryo., In the era of Koguryo, 10th year of King Dongmyung (B. C. 28), in the era of Baekje, 27th year of King Koi(260), the prohibition of dress regulation and the style of dress were conducted. The prohibition of personal ornaments in Silla was started from King Bup:Heung, and in the 9th year of King Heung-Duk, the prohibition was conducted in order to correct the luxury of the nobles and set up the social discipline. In the 11 th of King Il-Sung-Ni-Sa-Kum, the use of gold, silver and jade was prohibited in the civilian circles. The prohibition of Silla was succeeded to Koryo era, and in the 7th year of King Kwangjong(956), the system of Baekgwan Gongbok(uniform for government officials) was set up, and the system of Sasek Gongbok(four color official uniform) was set up in the 11 th year of the same King, and the prohibition of the personal ornaments such as crown and band is considred to have been conducted. The prohibition of gold and silver was conducted in the first year of King Sungjong(982), and in the 4th year of King Chungryul(l260), the order of wearing the dress and hat in accordance with the Yusan dynasty and the Mongolian customs were widely circulated in the royal court and vivilian circles. The strong influence of Mongolia made the taste of the traditional personal ornaments laste. The personal ornaments were used for the nobles until the age of the Unified Sillar but even the common people could use them in case they were rich, and such a circumstances made the use of foreign goods inflated. The prohibition of Koryo era was aimed at the prohibition of the foreign goods of luxury, and the classification of the social status.In the age of Chosun Dynasty, the production of gold and silver was feeble indeed but the oute reason of the prohibition was to eradicate the luxurious tendency, elevate the custom of eradicate the luxurious tendency, elevate the custom of thrift, and moreover, the gold, silver and jade were no the products of Korea and the prohibition was conducted but the true reason was afor the tribute tt China and the classification of status. The prohibition of Chosun dynasty was conducted first in the June of the 3rd year of King Taejo The major contents of prohibition was no use of gold, silver and jade, coral, agate, amber, etc. of th, wives of the Dang-Sang-Kwan (Court Nobleman) or their sons and daughters, and the same pheno menon was common even at the time of marriage. The people engaged in the secret trade there of wert beheaded. The personal ornaments in the prohibition were the pendent trinket, Binyo (crossbar) ceremonial ornamental hat, ring, earring, ornamental knife, hat string, hat ornament, belt, etc. Thl luxurious marriage expenses out of the luxury was severe, and lose of the marriageable age because 0 non-preparing the marriage goods was the national evil. The prohibition oC luxury was hard to bt kept to the nobles or rich people, the same as old days and present days. The prohibition of th{ luxury and personal ornaments of Korea had nothing to do with the commons, and it was limited tc the nobles and rich people. The prohibition was aimed to cultivating the custom of frugality by eradicating the luxurious atmosphere, but it was chiefly due to the tribute to the China and tht discrimination of the. status. We can say that the recent personal ornament was the flower of handi craft industry bloomed in the prohibition and regulation.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.237-260
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• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.39
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• pp.113-123
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• 1998

This study focuses on the effects of the clothes worn by kisaeng; courtesans trained in singing and dancing, on changes in female psychology as reflected in general women's fashions during the later years of the Chosun dynasty. During this period, the social order had broken down considerable, due in part to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, and in part to the actions of Sil-hak, who emphasized open-ness and practicality in the organization of social affairs. This freer social environment disrup-ted the established social hierarchies. The kisaeng were among the first to respond to the new social mores by adopting more colorful, sensual, and individualized fashions. Their social position allowed them to reflect the new aesthetics of the time right away. Those aesthetics seemed to lay great emphasis on the artistic effects of contrast. The kisaeng would adorn their heads with large Kache (an elaborate wig or hairdo typically reserved for use by women in full formal dress). In contrast to this conspicuous hairstyle, they typically wore very tight-fitting Jogori (short-cropped Korean traditional jackets for women) around their upper torsos. The long skirts emerging from beneath these short jackets would typically flare out dramatically, with the aid of petticoats. However, these skirts would be bound at the waist with a sash, increasing the sexual suggestiveness of the clothing by drawing at-tention to the hips, and by exposing the bottom frills of the petticoats, or the wide pantal-oons and other undergarments the kisaeng wore to add volume to their skirts. The relative freedom enjoyed by the kisaeng to experiment with new fashions was not widely shared by most women. This generated envy from women of the noble classes, who were more bound by convention, and restrained from adopting such a mode of dress. It also generated envy from women of the humble classes, who saw the kisaeng as working little for their wealth, and yet dressing every day in finery that the average women would only ever be able to afford on her wedding day. This envy directed at the relative freedom/wealth of the kisaeng by women who faced greater socioeconomic constraints was given cultural expression through the adoption of elements of the kisaeng's fashion in the fashions of both noblewomen and humble women in old korea. The luxurious Kache sported by the kisaeng had in fact been borrowed from the habitual attire of upper-class women. So to distinguish themeselves from the kisaeng, they began to abandon these elaborate hairstyles in favor of traditional ceremonial hoods (Nel-ul-a thin black women's hood) and coronets (Suegaechima). This supposed reaction to the abuse of the Kache by the kisaeng still remained influenced by the kisaeng still remained influence by the kisaeng, however, as these headdresses became adorned with many more jewels and decorations, in imitation of the kisaeng's adaptations of the coronet. At the same time, noblewomen began sporting the Jangwue ; a headdress previously worn only by kisaeng and lower class women, and lower class women were then permitted to wear the Kache at weddings. All women behan to wear shorter, tighter Jogori jackets, and to add volume to their skirts. They also attached frills to their under-garments in imitation of the kisaeng's exposed petticoats and pantaloons. The impact of kisaeng fashions was thus deep and widespread, and can be understood as an expression of women's longing for freedom from socioeconomic constraints in the late Chosun dynasty. This study adopts an interdisciplinary ap-proach to the understanding of historical changes in women's fashions. Such interdisciplinary work can greatly enrich the study of fashion, often narrowly focused on clothing morphology and broad generalizations about society. For this reason, specific dynamics of feminine psychology in the late Chosun dynasty were elaborated in this study, to provide a deeper under-standing of the changes in fashion underpinned by them. If more such detailed analyses are undertaken, a whole new understanding of changes in fashion can be generated, and perhaps a transformation of the field of fashion history can be ultimately achieved.