• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.10-21
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• 2014

This study focuses on the landscape of Daegodae(大孤臺), a prominent rock placed at the side of Namgae Stream in Hamyang, and the person who enjoy the landscape. Through the analysis of the letters such as names carved on the rocks based on ancient poetry and stone walls, the study examines the characteristics of the landscape and the space of Daegodae and the phase of hegemony to enjoy the landscape and space. The result of this study is as follow.2) There are 5 Seowon(書院: lecture halls) nearby Daegodae identified in the ancient map has 5 auditoriums nearby, and three-dimensional volume and eccentricity of the Daegodae is impressive. Daegodae, named by Noh Jin(1518~1578) in 16th century, was used in a variety of ways, including viewing, game, recreation, and meeting, by the staff of the lecture halls including Namgae Seowon(南溪書院), as a result of analyzing the ancient document Go-dae-il-Loc(孤臺日錄) written by Jung Kyung-Woon(鄭慶雲: 1556~?). The structure of Daegodae is that there is Chunggeunchung(淸近亭) on the rock face of the top and Sanangjae(山仰齋) to the west around the memorial stone for Yang Hee(梁喜: 1515~1581). The upper part of the foundation of Daegodae with 11m high and $10m^2$ wide to the east and west was widely used for lecturing and poetry reading. To the north and west of the foundation were the writing of Kim Jeong-Hee(金正喜: 1786~1856) with the words 'Seoksong Chusa(石松 秋史)' carved on the rock and the remains of a dead tree that is presumed to have been called as 'Seoksong'. They are the landscapes that further enhance the history and authenticity of this place. The two kinds of letters carved on the rock 'Daegodae Gaeeunseo(大高臺 介隱書)' and 'Mukheon JungGeunSang(鄭近相: 1893~1934)' were recorded each by Jung Jae-Gi(1811~1879) and his grandson Jung Geun-Sang, which are, as the outcome of exclusive space possession and space hegemony, the signatures indicating that they were the persons who enjoyed this place during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era. In other words, Daegodae had some implied meaning of preoccupancy of the place as Gujolyangseonsengjangguso since the middle of Joseon, and the place was passed down as a buddhism lecturing and memorial venue called "Dungbukganghoiso Cheonryungjaeseonhyunjangguso" after going through the space hegemony of Jung Jae-Gi and Jung Geun-Sang during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era each, Nevertheless, a number of letters carved on the rock identified also imply that 'Hadong Jung(河東鄭氏)' and 'Pungcheon Noh(豊川盧氏)' were those who enjoyed the landscape of Daegodae and the center of the space hegemony. The "letters carved on the rock of Daegudae" is another case of cultural landscape and traditional gardening space that serves as the representation of the will of enjoying the landscape in this place and the history of space hegemony.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Fundamentals of Nursing
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.147-162
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• 1997

This study was attempted to provide the basic data for nursing intervention to improve the psychosociological adaptation of patients receiving chemotherapy for breast cancer by examining relationship between anxiety and hopelessness that they are experiencing and family support, in order to help them successfully cope with various psychological problems. This study was carried out with 93 breast cancer patients who are receiving chemotherapy in the injection treatment room of K University Hospital located in the downtown of Taegu after having underwent mastectomy in the hospital between December 1995 and August 1996. This study used the systematized questionnaires which contain 7 questions about general characteristics, Spielberger's trait anxiety & state anxiety scale, the tool that WON(1987) modified the hopelessness scale which was developed by Beck et al.(1967) and the family support tool made by TAE(1985). By using the SPSS/PC program, this study obtained the real number and percentage for the general characteristics of the subjects, and mean and standard variation for the degrees of trait anxiety, state anxiety, hopelessness and family support. The correlation between each variables was identified on the basis of the Pearson Correlation, and the degrees of trait anxiety, state anxiety, hopelessness and family support in the general characteristics of the subjects were analyzed by using the t-test, ANOVA, and Duncan test. The results of this study were summarized as follows. In the general characteristics of the subjects, most of each group were 51 years old or more and the middle class in income, had educational background under elementary school, no job, Buddhism in religion and spouse, and were receiving chemotherapy using MTX and 5FU. It was shown that the degree of the subjects' trait anxiety is, on an average, 50. 29, state anxiety 49. 68, hopelessness 51. 46 and family support 34. 28. Both trait anxiety and hopelessness showed normal correlation ; the higher the degree of trait anxiety is, the higher the degree of hopelessness is, while trait anxiety and family support showed reverse correlation ; the higher the degree of trait anxiety, the lower the degree of family support that the subjects perceive is. State anxiety and hopelessness also showed normal correlation ; the higher the degree of state anxiety is, the higher the degree of hopelessness is. Family support and hopelessness showed reverse correlation ; the higher the degree of family support is, the lower the degree of hopelessness that the subjects perceive is. And family support and state anxiety showed reverse correlation but there was a statistically significant difference. The degree of trait anxiety in the general characteristics of the subjects showed a significant difference by age, job and religion, the degree of state anxiety a signigicant difference by job and religion, the degree of hopelessness a signigicant difference by age, educational background and existence or not of spouse. In conclusion, the breast cancer patients receiving chemotherapy perceive anxiety and hopelessness due to several causes such as diagnosis itself or side effects of chemotherapy, so that it is required not only to develop specific nursing interventions including family support to alleviate anxiety and hopelessness but also to apply such interventions to clinical practice.

• Journal of Korean Medical Ki-Gong Academy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.13-59
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• 1996

Dep. of Classics &Medical History, College of Oriental Medicint, Kyung Hee University Today, many people are more interested Today, many people are more interested in preventing the disease than curing it. Chi-Kung(氣功) is the way of Life-Cultivation(養生法) peculiar to the orient, it is reported in china that Chi-Kung has an excellent curative value not only in curing the disease but also in preventing it. But the full-scale study of Chi-Kung is not be made up to now in Korea, so I studied the developmental history of chinese Chi-Kung through the oriental medical books. From this study, I reached the following conclusions; 1. Chi-Kung is naturally derived from the self-preservation instinct to adapt oneself to circumstances of the nature, but in the investigation from the documentational records, it is originated in the treatment method of the Sam-Huang-O-Jae(三皇五帝) period to cure the abnormal circulation of the vital force and blood caused by damp(濕). 2. As the principle and the method of the Life-Cultivation of the Chun-Chu-Jeon-Kook(春秋戰國) period were recorded in Huang-Jae-Nai-Gyung(黃帝內經) detailly and the remedy examples by ancient Chi-Kung such as Tao-Yin(導引), Haeng-Chi(行氣) were presented, we considered that theoretical basis of the development of Life-cultivation and Chi-Kung study was furnished in that period. 3. A famous doctor, Hwa-Ta(華引) lived in Han dynasty, researched the theory and practice of Tao-Yin transmitted from the former generations, as that result, he formed a kind of medical, gymnastics what is called O-Keum-Hi(五禽?). It is considered that 'O-Keum-Hi' is a Tao-Yin method developed more practically and systemetically than the Tao-Yin appeared in the 'Jang-Ja'(莊子) or 'Hoy-Nam-Ja'(淮南子). 4. In Wui-Jin-Nambook-Jo(魏曺南北朝) periods, the contents of Chi-Kung were more abundant under the influence of Buddhism(佛敎) and Taoism(道敎). Galhong(葛洪), the author of 'Po-Bak-Ja'(抱朴子) arranged the ancient Chi-Kung method systematically first of all, Tao-Goeng-Gyung, the author of 'Yang-Seong-Yeun-Myung-Rok'(養性延命錄) recorded the 'Yook-Ja-Geul'(六字訣) first time. 5. There is a new development of Chi-Kung therapy in Soo-Tang-Odae(隋唐五代) periods, especially So-Won-Bang(巢元方), the author of 'Jey-Bang-Won-Hwu-Ron' collected almost all of the Chi-Kung method, for curing the disease formed before Soo(隋) period. From that fact, we supposed that Chi-Kung was utilized more widely in curing the disease. 6. 'So-Ju-Cheon-Hwa-Hu-Peob'(小周天火候法) was adopted as the best orthodox approach under the influence of Nae-Tan-Taoist(道敎內丹學波) in Song-Keum-Won(宋金元) periods, especially in the song dynasty, 'Pal-Dan-Geum'(八段錦) was appearde and assignment of six-Chi(六氣) for bowel and viscera in the 'Yook-Ja-Geul'(六字訣) was decided firmly, that is to say Lung-Si(肺-?), Heart-Kha(心-呵), Spleen-Hoa(脾-呼), liver-Hoe(肝-噓), Kidney-chui(賢-吹), Three-Burner-shi(三焦-?). 7. In Myung-Cheong(明淸) periods, The general practitioner applied the principle of 'Byun-Jeng-Ron-Chi(辨證論治) to the Chi-Kung field, and after Myung dynasty the style of doing 'Yook-Ja-Gyel'(六字訣) was developed to the moving style. 8. Today, in china, the study on the Chi-Kyung is being progressed constantly under the positive assistance of government, Chi-Kung-Hak(氣功學) has taking its place as a branch of study step by step. It is considered that the establishment of Chi-Kung-Hak Classroom(氣功學敎室) and Medical Chi-Kung Center(氣功療法室) for special and systematic research are needed, at the same time the settlement of institutional system for training the Chi-Kung technician(氣功師) is also needed.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.24
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• pp.15-28
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• 1995

This thesis focuses on the study of costume and ornaments of Shilla which had been severely affected by Uighur, and those of Uighur in Uighur self-governing district located in Shin Kang. East Turkestan, in Centrals Asia. This study aims to identifty the way of intergration of Uighur's costume and ornaments into Shilla, and orgins of Shill's costume and ornaments which had amix of internationl elelemnts thoursh cross exchanges, by comparing the differences between the two, and at the same time to clarify the pedigree of Korean costume and ornaments which are said to be udner a severe Chinese influence, by highlingting its uniqueness and originality . The result of the study demonstrates and originality of SHilla by melting foreign cultures into its own style in the process of accepting them. This means that the Shilla has recreated them in t도 form of simplification, and added naturalistic abstratness which is an element of Norther culture. The costume and ornaments are divided into coronets men's costuem, women's costume, and accessories 1. Coroncts A horse-riding man, and the costume type of 유고제 착유지체형 tell the Northern culture's influence on 백화수피기마인물채화담립 and patterns of a lotus flowr and arabesque show the 백화수피기마인물채색답립 has an influence of Buddhism with cluture of bordering countries of Western China , The origin of 뱍회수피제안형건(원정형, 방정형) lies in Northern cultures which can be found in ancient tombs of the Huns in noin-Ila , and stone caves of Jizil in Kochang. The wall paintings in Alexandropol, Murutuk and 돈황 No. 409 cave show that 초화형입식계금관 is under the influence of Northern culture, and Bezerkrick No, 25 cave and 회 번 in Kocho also show 수목녹각형입식관 is under the influence of Northern culture, with its origin in Novecherkaask. In this regard, the transformed coroncts of Shilla has shows a blended culture of Shilla with Nothern, Chinese, and Western cultures. 2. Men's Costume 반령포 derives from cultures of bordering countries of Western China centering around Uighur and Turkey. 연주문 in Uighur prince's costume and in Uighur paintings of Central Asia were reflected into the arts of Shilla in a direct way, and the motive of Uighur was deviatelly expressed at Shilla's arts in the form of simplicity , and naturalistic abstract paintings as in shown at 입수쌍조문 in tiles and brick. Along with this , 고착지체형 costume originates from Eurasia's Northern horseriding costumes as was shown in a golden man in B.C.4-5C which is now possessed by Kazakstan Republic Academy Archelogy Center Museum, and a golden figure from Skitai ancient caves, an the origin is carried away into wall paintings of Kizil No.14. cave in 8c and Astana's early period ancient tomb. No.6. 3. Women's Costume The hair styles of Shilla people are either 변발 or up -style with a lot of hair around it whose origin can be seen in Astana No.216 and No.187 caves of Kochang and Uighur's wall paintings of royal princess's hair style. Astana's middle period No. 206 and No.230 tombs reveal the its origin of 고착장군 while Astana early period No. 6 tomb shows that of 광유풍만형. 4. Accessories The earrings with small golden beads is seen at earring of figure holding a sword in wall painting of figure holding a sword in wall painting of Kizil in about 5 C. and those of a offering people in Sorchuk wall paintings. The earrings with small golden beads originates from a golden pendant of Shivargan, Afganistan, and golden pendants and other golden and metal accessories from Chrioba ancient tombs in Skiti Critia peninsula. Shilla's costume derives from the costume style of horse-ridding man, which proves the fact that Shilla people are horse-ridding peoplewith excellent horse-ridding techniques, and traditions. The people of Shilla are from horse-ridding people of local mounted momads in Northern part of Siberia steppe and this origin of Northern culture had been carried into Uighur in East Turkestan. At the same time , Shilla has a wealth and power since it was rich in gold and iron , thus producing lots of materials made of them. The results of this study emphasizes Shilla's identity and self-control by creating an independent an innovative heterogeneous culture since Shill's active exchanges with East Asia allowed it to accept the most civilized Uighur culture in East Turkestan among Altai languate which had frequent cross contacts with India and Europe.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.67-74
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• 1985

According to the records that all the people in our country were taught the way of braiding the hair and hatting in the first year of 'Tangun' (the founding father of the Korean nation) and that the discipline between sovereign and subject, man and woman, and the standard of food, drink and dwelling were originated from that year, it seems that all the people in our country had lived with keeping a certain standard of food, clothing and shelter, and with maintaining the order in life from ancient times. So, our country have been called 'the Eastern Land of Courtesy' and also regarded as 'the country of the true gentle-man' which was characterized as the custom of a humane, and as the country that had the immortality since a benevolent person lived to a great age. Thus, all the people in our country have lived with keeping and maintaining a certain standard of all aspects in life, and the philosophy in life that we have today was established by the influences of our characteristic thought, Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Christianity, especially the life style in the Chosun Dynasty Period have strong influence on our today life. Thus, the contents concerned with the standard of custume life among those of all life in the Chosun Dynasty Period was studied, and clothes itself is unable to give expression to its ends but when the relationship that is, the inter-harmony among clothes, the body which will be dressed in, and the inherent psyche in that body is formed, then the ends, the complete beauty will be expressed. Though there were many studies dealt with clothes itself, no one was concerned with the all kinds of standard in activities that the dresser should keep, so the purpose of this article is that as above. The literature search is used as the research method. The eight books, 'Noneo' (the Analects of Confucius), 'Yeogi' (the Book of Courtesy), 'Sohak' (the book of Precepts for child-ren), 'Yeosaseo'(the Women's Four Books), 'Sasojeol'(Korean Scholars' Minor Principles) 'Eonhaenaehoon' (Private Moral Instructions for Women), 'Woo-am seonsaeng kyenyeoseo' (Master Woo-am's Cautions for Girls) and 'Kyoobangkasa' (the Lyric Lines of the Boudoir) that had influenced the whole field of life in the Chosun Dynasty Period are analyzed, selected and finally arranged for studyilng the foundation of culture of the clothing and for helping to that culture in modern and future life. The results are as follows: 1. The standard of the clothing life in the Chosun Dynasty Period had deeply rooted in the teaching of confucianism, but also had been influenced by the custom which rooted in our people. 2. There is the emphasis upon the trinity among mind, clothes and activities in the clothing life. 3. The clothing and hat have to be dressed symmetrically in full of all required elements, 4. There is the harmony between the clothing with hat and environments or surroundings. 5. The true elegance in the clothing life will be realized not by the exterior outfit but by the interior outfit with the attitude of chastiny. In conclusion, as the material of clothing life in the Chosun Dynasty Period has the characteristics of the simplicity, the cleanliness, the elegance and the refinement, our clothing life is to be mastered with the simplicity, the cleanliness and the elegance in that life and with the harmony between the inside and the outside.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Fundamentals of Nursing
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.414-433
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to identify the needs which are perceived by one of the familiy members who have head injury parients by traffic accidents in the intensive care units. Subjects were 70 families members of head injury patients admitted to 2 general hospitals NICU located Pusan city, 1 general hospital NICU located Ulsan city from December 1. 1998 to February 28. 1999. For this study, 70 family members were interviewed with aid of a Likert scale which was developed by researcher for this study. For development of the survey instrument, literature review and open questionnaire technique with family members and the nurses working in NICU. The 50needs-items were classified into 7 groups according to the homogeneity of the items with the support of literature review. For the content validity, the instrument was reviewed by 1 nursing professor and the internal reliability of this instrument was Cronbach alpha=0.94 which is highly accepted. Data was analyzed by a SPSS computer program. Data analysis included frequency. percentage, mean, standard variance and t-test or ANOVA. The results were as followings : 1. The general characteristics of head injury patients shows that the male was 74.3%, the female was 25.7% and age distribution shows that the fifty-fifty nine years was 30%, the highest. Of religion the buddhism was the most, The diagnosis distribution shows that epidural hematoma was 32.9% and subdural hematoma was 24.3%. The mentalility distribution shows that semicoma was 31.4% and stupor was 31.4%. Hemiplegia was 42.9% 2. The general charaterisrics of the family needs of head injury patients shows that thirty-thirty nine years was 31.4%, the highest. sex distribution shows that the male was 20%, the female was 80%. Of religion the buddism was the most. 3. The family needs of head injury patients was $3.03{\pm}0.42$, needs for the information of a patient's condition was $3.65{\pm}0.48$, the highest. And needs for the information of care and treatment was $3.48{\pm}0.48$, needs to be supplied with comfortable facilities for family was $3.04{\pm}0.66$, needs to be participate in a patient's care was $2.90{\pm}0.55$, needs to be informed about the available resources was $2.83{\pm}0.59$, needs to be supported emotionally for family was $2.79{\pm}0.55$, needs for religious assistance was $2.51{\pm}0.85$. 4. Examining the family needs of head injury patients according to patient's characteristics, mentality, plegia degree and operation were shown be variables to make an effect on the needs for the head injury patients family. At all, according to severity of head. injury, the family needs of head injury patients was high. 5. Examining the family needs of head injury patients according to their general characteristics, we could know that religion, job. income were shown to be variables to make an effect on the family needs. Through the examination it can be seen that the characteristics of head injury patients and the family needs of head injury patients. In conclusion, the family needs of head injury patients was almost same the family needs of ICU patients. Therefore we must involve the family's care of head injury patients and we must provide exact and repeated explanation, education and support the family of head injury patients. As this study was resulted in selecting the families admitted to NICU of some general hospital, we couldn't stretch the result in our favor. Therefore, continuous studies are suggested.

• Culinary science and hospitality research
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.135-154
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• 2004

This study surveyed ancestral service preparation and sacrificial consciousness of housewives living in Pusan and Yeosu area. Statistical analysis of chi-square test was carried out by using SAS program. The results are summarized as follows. l. In major general characteristics of subjects, the forties(35.56%), Buddhism (57.79%), high school education(52.54%), a couple with children(63.45%) were the most abundant. 2. The time of sacrificial rites in both areas was usually hold from 23:00 to 01:00 (47.16%). The housewives having a job hold earlier the service than the full-time housewives(p<0.05). 3. The range of ancestor-memorial rites was usually up to 3rd generation(34.47%). The leader of sacrificial ceremony was mainly the eldest grandson by the eldest son (78.28%) in the old subjects and a person of wealth in the young subjects(p<0.05). 4. There were more positive answers for the necessity of a sacrificial ceremony (57.32%). Older than 50 years of subjects thought the sacrificial rites should be held(70.77%), while as the age of subjects was younger, they realized less necessity for that(p<0.05). Sacrificial consciousness was higher in Buddhists than the other religionists(p<0.0001). The sacrificial rites was thought to be needed for their harmonious family(50.43%). Younger subjects thought that it is necessary to succeed that as the tradition, while older housewives thought that it would contribute toward peace in their family(p<0.05). Buddhists and Christians answered that it was good for harmonious family, and Catholics and the others for tradition(p<0.01). Their consideration of sacrificial rites in the future was higher in keeping the traditional practice (37.04%) and Buddhists took higher these consideration(43.17%). Considering the sacrificial consciousness, there were statistical differences among the religionists (p<0.0001). The eldest daughter-in-raw had a different opinion about the following up the method of sacrificial ceremony from second eldest daughter-in-raw and the next one(p<0.05). The housewives in Pusan were showing more the affirmative attitudes to keep the traditional practice than those in Yeosu.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.4
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• pp.19-73
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• 1990

Today, many people are more interested in preventing the disease than curing it. Chi-Kung (氣功) is the way of Life-Cultivation (養生法) peculiar to the orient, it is reported in china that Chi-Kung has an excellent curative value not only in curing the disease but also in preventing it. But the full-scale study of Chi-Kung is not be made up to now in Korea, so I studied the developmental history of chinese Chi-Kung through the oriental medical books. From this study, I reached the following conclusions ; 1. Chi-Kung is naturally derived from the self-preservation instinct to adapt oneself to circumstances of the nature, but in the investigation from the documentational records, it is originated in the treatment method of the Sam-Huang-O-Jae (三皇五帝 )period to cure the abnormal circulation of the vital force and blood caused by damp (濕). 2. As the principle and the method of the Life-Cultivation of the Chun-chu-Jeon-Kook (春秋戰國) periods were recorded in Huang-Jae-Nai-Gyung (黃帝內徑) detailly and the remedy examples by ancient Chi-Kung such as Tao-Yin (導引), Haeng-Chi (行氣) were presented, we considered that theoretical basis of the development of Life-cultivation and Chi-Kung study was furnished in that period. 3. A famous doctor, Hwa-Ta (華陀) lived in Han dynasty, researched the theory and practice of Tao-Yin transmitted from the former generations, as that result, he formed a kind of medical gymnastics what is called O-Keum-Hi (五禽戱). It is considered that 'O-Keum-Hi' is a Tao-Yin method developed more practically and systemetically than the Tao-Yin appeared in the 'Jang-Ja' (莊子) or 'Hoy-Nam-Ja' (淮南子). 4. In Wui-Jin-Nambook Jo (魏晋南北朝) periods, the contents of Chi-Kung were more abundant under the influence of Buddhism (佛敎) and Taoism (道敎). Galhong (葛洪), the author of 'Po-Bak-Ja' (抱朴子) arranged the ancient Chi-Kung method systematically first of all, Tao-Goeng-Gyung (陶宏景), the author of 'Yang-Seong-Yeun-Myung-Rok' (養性延命錄) recorded the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) first time. 5. There is a new development of Chi-Kung therapy in Soo-Tang-Odae (隋唐五代) pefiods, especially So-Won-Bang (巢元方), the author of 'Jey-Byung-Won-Hwu-Ron' (諸病源候論) collected aimost all of the Chi-Kung method, for curing the disease formed before soo (隋) period. From that fact, we supposed that Chi-Kung was utilized more widely in curing the disease. 6. 'So-Ju-Cheon-Hwa-Hu-Peob' (小周天火候法) was adopted as the best orthodox approach under the influence of Nae-Tan-Taoist (道敎內丹學派) in Song-Keum-Won (宋金元) periods, especially in the song dynasty, 'Pal-Dan-Geum' (八段錦) was appeared and assignment of six-Chi (六氣) for bowel and viscera in the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) was decided firmly, that is to say Lung-Si (肺-呬), Heart-Kha (心-呵), Spleen-Hoa (脾-呼), Liver-Hoe (肝-噓), Kidneychui (賢-吹), Three-Burner-shi (三焦-嘻). 7. In Myung-Cheong (明淸) periods, The general practitioner applied the principle of 'Byun-Jeng-Ron-Chi' (辨證論治) to the Chi-Kung field, and after Myeong dynasty the style of doing 'Yook-Ja-Gyel' (六字訣) was developed to the moving style. 8. Today, in china, the study on the Chi-Kung is being progressed constantly under the positive assistance of government, Chi-Kung-Hak (氣功學) has taking its place as a branch of study step by step. It is considered that the establishment of Chi-Kung-Hak Classroom (氣功學教室) and Medical Chi-Kung Center (氣功療法室) for special and systematic research are needed, at the same time the settlement of institutional system for training the Chi-Kung technician (氣功師) is also needed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.80-109
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• 2020

The Sacheonwangsa Temple in Silla is an esoteric temple that was founded provisionally in 670, and was completed in 679. This study attempted to elucidate the planning method of the Sacheonwangsa Temple based on the results of research on excavations and investigations into its construction processes and construction measures thereof. The research results are as follows. (1) In the site construction, assuming the size of one Bang (坊) on the south of Nangsan Mountain, after dividing the north-south width into three equal parts, there is a possibility that two of these parts were set to the flat portion. (2) In the 'Jochang (祖創, 670)', it is estimated that an area of 300 cheoks by 300 cheoks was postulated on the flat surface, and, as an initial conception, the mandala's plane design of the outer square 2 hasta (3 cheoks) and inner square 1 hasta (1.5 cheoks) was originally devised for the setting of 'Mudra (神印)', and an area 100 times greater has been set as the basis in the scale and layout planning of the central block. (3) During 'Gaechang (攺刱, ~679)', it is judged that because of the narrowness of the distance between the Pagoda and Geumdang Hall, which occurs when the center of the Geumdang Hall coincides with the center of 'the first stage of the foundation (先築基壇)', the scale and layout planning were adjusted from the initial conception. (4) The arrangement of the building was determined by dividing the fixed size of the central block (280 cheoks by 320 cheoks). Specifically, the east-west direction is set on the quartile's line of the east-west width of the central block, and in contrast, the north-south direction is based on the structural characteristics of the central block. It is presumed that the position of the transept was determined through the division and adjustment of the column spacing of the east-west corridor, then the Geumdang Hall and Altar were based on this. (5) The scale of the Geumdang Hall and Pagoda is determined by the petition of the division by the unit fraction starting from the quartile's line of the central block's east-west width. This planning is understood to be based on the self-similarity, which is rooted in the mandala's plane design as the model.