• 농업과학연구
• /
• 제45권1호
• /
• pp.128-136
• /
• 2018

The Anti-corruption Law has been enforced since Sep. 28, 2016 to prevent public servants from colluding with people for political favors and financial gain by giving bribes to public servants. Generally, most people in Korea think that the law has had a positive effect on society. Under this law, people believe that our society has become more transparent. However, domestic producers think the law has had negative effects on the Korean livestock industry. Statistics from the domestic livestock industry show that the Hanwoo price has dropped after the law was enforced. This study attempts to show how livestock prices in the Korean livestock industry have changed after the enactment of the law. We chose three important livestock industries, Hanwoo, pork, and chicken, to determine and compare the effects of the law on them. For the analysis, we used a time-series model, VAR, to incorporate the interactions of the three industries. We selected the average wholesale prices of these industries. Daily prices during the last 5 years were used to estimate and forecast the impacts of the law. The results show that the price of Hanwoo decreased after the enforcement of the law; however, the other livestock prices did not decrease. Additionally, we clearly saw this negative effect on the Hanwoo industry during the high demand season and New Year's Day (solar and lunar together).

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
• /
• 제22권11호
• /
• pp.57-62
• /
• 2022

Today, in many countries of the world, the problems of forming and implementing anti-corruption policies are among the most pressing, since the scale of the spread of corruption poses a real threat to national security and democratic development. Without a victory over corruption as a system of social relations, any country will never be able to ensure the safety of its citizens, have a high standard of living, build an efficient economy and a democratic state based on the rule of law, protect its sovereignty, and become competitive among the developed countries of the world community. The main purpose of the article is to analyze the key aspects of the anti-corruption policy of ensuring public order in the state security system. The research methodology includes methods for researching aspects of the anti-corruption policy of ensuring public order in the state security system. Based on the results of the study, the main aspects of the anti-corruption policy of ensuring public order in the state security system are characterized.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
• /
• 제22권9호
• /
• pp.169-174
• /
• 2022

The purpose of the study is to research the legal nature and essence of corrupt behavior, as well as the international and national legal aspects of the fight against corruption. The article discloses the relation between the factual results of the operation of anti-corruption normative and legal acts and the goals and objectives for which they were adopted. The effectiveness of the regulatory effect and quality of anti-corruption legislation is determined by the example of the Russian Federation. The article provides an analysis of theoretical aspects of the theory and history of the formation and development of anti-corruption legislation (on the example of Russia and some other countries, as well as international legal norms) giving several practical examples from foreign legislation demonstrating the structure of the system of government bodies battling against corrupt behavior (including its latent forms). The authors suggest that there is a need for a unified conception of information and propaganda support of state anti-corruption activities. This will make it possible to inform the population that the state is actively working to prevent corruption threats and to bring perpetrators to justice, as well as contribute to citizens' trust in the state policy in this area. At the same time, it is necessary to regularly inform the citizens about the provisions of the anti-corruption legislation, explaining the importance of their observance.

• 의정연구
• /
• 제25권2호
• /
• pp.141-177
• /
• 2019

본 연구는 법체계(legal system)를 중심으로 국가 간 부패인식수준의 차이를 설명한 선행연구를 비판적으로 검토하고 역사 결정론적 성격을 완화한 법문화(legal culture) 개념에 주목했다. 사법문화를 자국 사법체계에 대한 시민들의 공유된 인식으로 정의하고, 이를 사법서비스에 대한 접근성과 법원(재판)의 공정성에 대한 시민인식으로 포착하여 국가 간 부패수준의 차이를 설명하고자 했다. 78개국을 대상으로 한 교차국가분석을 통해 1) 법원(재판)의 공정성이 부패인식의 국가 간 차이를 일관되고 통계적으로 유의하게 설명하고 있다는 점과 2) 사법서비스에 대한 접근성은 국가 간 부패인식수준의 차이를 설명하지 못한다는 점을 확인했다. 연구결과가 갖는 정책적 함의는 부패방지뿐만 아니라 광의의 사법정의 실현을 위한 개혁의 초점은 법조서비스의 공급측면보다는 법관의 중립성과 독립성을 저해하는 관행과 제도의 개선에 두어야 한다는 점이다. 아울러 사법문화의 요체가 자국 사법시스템에 대한 시민들의 공유된 인식이라고 정의한 바와 같이, 본 연구는 평등하고 공정한 사법절차에 대한 폭넓고 견고한 시민의식이 "공권력의 사적 오·남용인 부패"를 방지하는 필수 불가결의 사법문화임을 주장한다.

• 무역상무연구
• /
• 제68권
• /
• pp.197-218
• /
• 2015

China is a land of guanxi, everything is connected with guanxi. China has a business culture based on guanxi connections underpinned by strong Confucian ethics. However, there are some reasons why it is difficult for western companies to run businesses in China. Firstly, foreign firms lack the understanding and experiences necessary for doing business in China. They don't know the absence of alternatives is one of reasons that guanxi is so powerful in Chinese society. Secondly, there are many misconceptions about guanxi. It is easier for many foreign scholars or businessmen to equate guanxi with corruption due to the ambiguity of guanxi. Thus, if a foreign enterprise possesses guanxi, it can be a source of competitive advantage for doing business due to lack of law systems for anti-corruption activities in China. Furthermore, it is gaining increasing importance not only in Business to Government(B2G) but also in Business to Consumers(B2C) relationships. Therefore,managers should pay great attention to the proper use of guanxi instead of being involved in corrupt behaviours because now the governments hold a strong attitude against corruption. In particular, establishment of working guanxi through red envelops(basically giving money) or illegal gifts can cause a great problem for both parties, which were naturally accepted among most government officials and businessmen until recently.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
• /
• 제26권4호
• /
• pp.83-109
• /
• 2016

Recently, China has brought many political, economical, and ideological changes in order to complete the "socialistic market economy." In terms of legal system, they make much effort to seek compatibility and stability of law and order. China recognizes that the breakdown of corruption, which is rampant in society, is an essential short-cut for national development. To realize anti-corruption reformation, it strengthens the supervision of relatives and close officials of high-ranking government officials. Recently, China has suffered from expanded trade disputes internationally and has also experienced severe management-labor conflicts domestically due to economic recession. From 2012 onward, civil lawsuit and other litigations have increased sharply. Also, they face severe conflicts in the land system. It is expected that many disputes arise due to speculation on rural housing. Meanwhile, Mongolia expands the size of trade with Korea in mutual cooperation since their diplomatic relation in 1990 by entering more than 20 treaties and agreements. As Mongolia has rich natural resources and Korea is equipped with advanced science and technology, the two countries have opportunities to develop mutually beneficial cooperative relations. Recently, the arbitration system has attracted attention instead of litigation as a means of dispute settlement in line with the expansion of trade between Korea and Mongolia. This study would be helpful to figure out desirable methods for dispute settlements in case of trade disputes among Korean companies that would advance into China and Mongolia.

• 통상정보연구
• /
• 제16권3호
• /
• pp.253-273
• /
• 2014

한-EU FTA 발효 후 한국의 대영국 수출물량 및 투자는 발효 전에 비해 지속적인 증가 추세를 보여왔다. 영국은 한-EU FTA 효과와 더불어 2013년 세계은행이 선정한 '비즈니스하기 쉬운 국가'에서 최상위로 선정됨에 따라 앞으로도 한국의 다국적 기업들에게 지속적인 수출 및 투자를 하고 싶은 매력적인 무역대상국으로 자리매김 하고 있다. 이러한 가운데 영국법무부는 비즈니스 과정에서 발생하는 부패행위를 척결하기 위해 '영국 뇌물수수법(UK Bribery Act 2010')을 제정 및 전면 시행함으로써 영국과 비즈니스 관계에 있는 개인이나 기업의 뇌물공여 및 수수에 대한 처벌을 선포했다. 영국 뇌물수수법은 적발 시 '무한' 벌금형까지 처벌을 가능하게 함으로써 다른 어떤 부패방지법보다 강화된 법이다. 대영국 비즈니스를 하고 있는 한국의 다국적 기업들도 영국 뇌물수수법의 관할권에 속하기 때문에 영국 뇌물수수법에 대한 정확한 이해와 영국법무부가 발행한 지침서(Guideline)에 명시된 뇌물행위 방지를 위한 준수방안을 구비하지 않으면 가혹한 처벌 대상이 될 수 있다. 따라서 이 논문은 영국 뇌물수수법에 대한 자세한 분석과 해당 법이 한-EU FTA 시대에 대영국 수출 및 투자에 관여하는 한국 다국적 기업에 미칠 영향과 그에 대한 대처방안에 관하여 논하고자 한다.

• 문화기술의 융합
• /
• 제9권5호
• /
• pp.105-110
• /
• 2023

본 연구는 존 그린리프 위티어의 반노예제 시를 분석하려는 시도이다. 독실한 퀘이커 교도인 위티어는 19세기에 만연한 노예제를 비판했다. 그의 활동은 종교적 신념에 기반한 것이었다. 노예폐지운동에 언론인 등으로 참여했던 위티어는 1830년대부터 1860년대 중반까지 집중적으로 반노예제시를 썼다. 「버지니아 노예 어머니의 이별」은 남부로 팔려간 딸에게 느끼는 노예 어머니의 비통한 심정을 묘사하며 독자의 공감을 유도한다. 「매사추세츠에서 버지니아로」에서 화자는 버지니아의 도덕적 타락에 비통해 하면서 노예를 노예주로 되돌려보내는 것을 거부한다. 「마침내 오르다」는 떠오르는 달을 정치적, 사회적 상징으로 사용하면서, 도주 노예법의 통과를 찬양한다. 남북 전쟁 이후에 작시된 「평화의 가을」은 노예 해방이 선포된 후 평화로운 상황을 묘사한다. 위티어의 노력은 노예해방 운동과 문학에 기여한 바가 크다.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
• /
• 제15권1호
• /
• pp.39-49
• /
• 2015

Heavenly Kingdom was known for their strict discipline and law as well as their anti-corruption practices and for putting up unconventional ideas to rule its kingdom. They became weak as their leadership was split along with the power struggles that occurred within their kingdom. Heavenly Kingdom's style of dress also ended during this period, but their philosophy continues to influence the style of dress. Taiping rebellion was modern China's biggest internal disturbance which prior studies included political ideals, gender equality and the peasant movement. My research is to associate Heavenly Kingdom's ideas and their dress style by analyzing its relations. Their form of clothing was similar to the Qing Dynasty but the same. They wanted to restore their identity of the Han(漢) while their ideology was oriented in creating a large enough military power to go against the corrupt Qing Dynasty as seen in their military uniform. This research is to analyze about Heavenly Kingdom's ideology with regard to their style of dress but because of their short existence, there are only small remains of artifacts and clothing available which limits this research. This research has to developing further research as I gather more additional data.

• 동남아시아연구
• /
• 제23권1호
• /
• pp.45-87
• /
• 2013

This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of 'power sharing' and 'accountability' focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive's power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister's power, balancing of cabinet and parliament's power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.