• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.31 no.6
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• pp.515-540
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• 2016

This study investigated the characteristics of main house food cultures in Gyeonggi-do using a case study on the head family. The subject of this study was selected through an advisory committee of experts; it incorporated intangible and tangible elements of the main family based on relevant data. Selected representative main house of Gyeonggi-do had 12 parts in total. The entire investigation was conducted in five parts; literature search, telephone survey, in-depth interviews, inheritance food research of the head family, and cuisine demonstrations. Twelve families within the researched family clan had members of high merit or scholarly reputation qualified enough to serve bulcheonwi, a form of important religious worship. Food in Gyeonggi-do, specifically, can be served for Bongjesa jeopbingaek, which is a combination of performance of ancestral rites and greeting guests. Meat ingredients were frequently used. Articles of clothing were colorful and vivid, with wootgi that needed lots of work. Soup and steamed dishes tended to favor simple but fresh tastes that come with their cultural and historical context.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.125-143
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• 2005

This study offers an analysis of how Protestant Christianity in South Korea incorporated many beliefs and practices of Korean traditional religions in order to make the new faith more appealing to the masses. The paper also examines the way in which specific Protestant doctrines and practices were modified or accentuated to suit the disposition of the Korean people. In agreement with Confucianism, for example, Protestant churches in general emphasized the values of diligence, self-cultivation, righteous living, and, most importantly, filial piety. By overtly and subtly permitting ancestral rites to be conducted by Christians, moreover, Protestant Christianity evaded successfully the potential alienation of the tradition-bound Koreans. From Buddhism, Protestant Christianity syncretized such elements as the daily dawn prayer and all-night prayer as well as the practices of baekilgido ("a hundred-day prayer") and chunilgido ("a thousand-day prayer"). Hundreds of prayer centers that exist deep in the mountains also manifest a Buddhist influence. Shamanistic influences are also evident in Korean Protestantism, replete with the latter's emphasis on this-worldly success (health, prosperity, long life, etc.), faith healing, and conceptualization of God as being merciful and generous. What all of this reveals is that Christian conversion in South Korea did not involve an exclusivistic change of religious affiliation, meaning that it did not require the repudiation of traditionally held beliefs. Instead, millions of South Koreans eagerly embraced Protestant Christianity precisely because the new faith was advanced as an extension or continuation of traditional religious practices.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.44 no.1 s.215
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• pp.131-138
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• 2006

The yanggwan is a striped headpiece for civil and military officials worn with jebok, a costume for the royal ancestral worship ceremony, or jobok, a ceremonial costume for the courtier. It was called a jegwan when it was worn with a jebok. The geumgwan and jegwan are of the same style but the geumgwan has a gilded band and backside and the jegwan is mostly lacquered. The yanggwan was worn first with the jebok by the officials, both of which were received from the Chinese Ming dynasty in the 19th year of the King Gongmin's reign during the Goryeo period. The royal crown and court clothing system was two grades lower than the standard clothing code of the Ming dynasty of China. In the Joseon dynasty, the oyanggwan worn by the highest grade officials had five-stripes but was later replaced during the Daehan Empire by the seven-striped chilyanggwan used by Ming dynasty officials. Oyanggwans make up the majority of the surviving examples of these headpieces, with the exception of the six-striped yukyanggwan of Chung In-hak (1839-1919), the Minister of Justice, which originated in the Daehan Empire and whose owner is definitively known. The gilt portion of this yukyanggwan is finely engraved in relief with a bird, flower and tendril motif. The yukyanggwan is topped by a decorative bird ornament, called a jeongkkot. EDSS spectrum analysis of the gold plating reveals a composition of 51.32% gold and 10.34% silver. The yanggwan is composed of bamboo, mulberry paper and silk crepe. The black portions are lacquered. The individual yang is made with twisted mulberry paper.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.70-81
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• 2023

The choice of business method is a necessary decision at the last moment of life, and to this end, we use several criteria. Our funeral methods were dominated by ancestral worship culture and religion, not nature. It is only recently that nature was used as a means from a human perspective, but natural field methods such as consideration for nature and symbiosis with nature have emerged. The recent high public preference for natural fields is today's strong zeitgeist and nature-friendly values. Based on statistics in 2021, Korea's national cremation rate exceeded 92%, and compared to less than 20% of the cremation rate just 20 years ago, our business method has changed rapidly. As the cremation promotion movement and government policies, which began in the early 90s, were systematically developed, the enshrinement facility was established next to us. However, while this was also subject to criticism of national damage, the Jang Act called natural field was introduced into the system in 2008, and about 15 years have passed, but the revitalization of natural field is slower than expected. One of the reasons for the stagnation of development is to forget the basic spirit of the natural field (once you return to the forest), and to think like a graveyard grave. Accordingly, this study aims to identify the background of the introduction and current operation of natural fields and present development measures to improve memorial services to make natural fields loved by the people.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.396-417
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• 1991

In order that nursing care an essential quality of nursing practice be acceptable and satisfying, it is necessary that client's culture be respected and that nursing practice be appropriate to that culture. Since cultural elements are an important influence on health practices and life patterns related to medical treatment, recovery from and prevention of disease, nurses need to have an understanding and knowledge of social and cultural phenomena to aid in the planning of nursing interventions. To understand the health practices surrounding health and illness, the health beliefs and practices of both folk and professional healing systems should be ascertained. Cultural data are required to provide care of high quality to clients and to reduce possible conflict between the client and the nurse. It is nursing's goal to provide clients from various cultures with quality nursing care which is satisfying and valuable. The problem addressed by this study was to identify Korean health practices which would contribute to the planning of professional caring practice with the culture : ultimately this study was intended to make a contribution to the development of the science of nursing. The concrete objectives of this study were ; 1) to identify Korean health practices, 2) to interpret the identitial health practices through traditional cultural thought, and 3) to compare the Korean health practices with those of other cultures. The investigator used the ethnosceintific approach outlined by spradly in a qualitative study. To discover ancestral wisdom and knowledge related to traditional health practeces, the subjects of this study were selected from residents of a small rural mountain village in south west Korea, a place considered to be maintaining and transmitting the traditional culture in a relatively well -preserved state because of being isolated from the modern world. The number of subjects was 18, aged 71 to 89. Research data were collected from January 8 to March 31, 1990. Five categories of health practices were identified : “Manage one's own mind”, “Moderation in all thing”, “Live in accord with nature”, “Live in mutuality with others”, and “Live to the best of one's ability”. Values derived from these ways of thinking from Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism help fashion a traditional way of life, examplified by the saying “Benifience to all”. Korean thought and philosophy is influenced primerily by Confucianism, Confucian principles of ethics, embedded deeply in the peoples' minds, form the idea that “heaven and human being are intimately united” based on concept that “heaven is, so to speak, reason”. Twoe Gae's theory of existential subjectivity develops the concept of self which is the basis of the spirit of reverence in modern Confucian philosophy. The human md is granted from heaven out of the idea of matter, and what control the mind is the spirit of reverence. Hence the idea of “The primacy of the mind" and provided that one should control one's own mind. The precepts of duty to parents, respect for elders and worship of ancestors, and moderation in all behavior put a restraint on life which directed that one live earnestly according to Nature's laws with their neighbors. Not only Confucianism, but also Buddism and Taoism have had an important effect upon these patterns of ideas. When compared with western culture, Korean health practices tend to be more inclusive, abstract and intuitive while westerner health practices found to be mere concrete, practical and personal. Values and beliefs based and pragmatism and existentialism infuence western civilization, Ethical values may be founded on utilitarianism, which considers what is good for the persons in their circumstances as the basis of conduct and takes a serious view of their practical lives including human aspirations rather than an absolute truth. These philosophical and ethical ideas are foundations for health practices related to active, practical and progressive attitudes. This study should be enable nursing not only to understand clients as reflections of the traditional culture when planning nursing practice, but to dovelop health education corresponding to cultural requiments for the purpose of protection against disease and improvement of health, and thus promote sound health practice. Eventually it is hoped that through these processes quality nursing care as the central idea of the science of nursing will be achieved.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.123-159
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• 2010

Dongyi (Chinese: 東夷; pinyin: $D{\bar{o}}ngy{\acute{i}}$; Wade-Giles: Tung-yi; literally "eastern 'barbarians'") was a collective term for people in eastern China and in the east of China. People referred to as Dongyi vary across the ages. The early Dongyi culture was one of earliest neolithic cultures in China. According to the earliest Chinese record, Zuo Zhuan, the Shang Dynasty was attacked by King Wu of Zhou, while attacking Dongyi, and collapsed afterwards Dongyi culture was one of the oldest neolithic cultures in China. Some Chinese scholars extend the historical use of Dongyi to prehistoric times, according to this belief, the neolithic culture correlates to Houli culture, Beixin culture, Dawenkou culture, Longshan culture and Yueshi culture, five evolutionary phases. Deliang He, thinks that Dongyi culture used to be one of the leading cultures in neolithic China. The writing system of Dongyi was one of the oldest writing systems in neolithic China. There are opinions that the 20 pictogram characters discovered in a Dongyi tomb (山東?縣大汶口墓葬) in Shangdong indictates some of the characters found, like "旦, 越, 斤, 皇, 封, 酒, 拍, ?", are still used in Chinese characters. There are also opinions that Dongyi people were the inventor of arrows. Some classic Chinese history records like Zuo Zhuan, Shuowen Jiezi, Classic of Rites, all have some similar records about this. [3][4] The legendary god of archery in Chinese mythology, Houyi, could also be a Dongyi leader. Based on archeology findings, Dongyi people's ancestral worship totem is bird-shaped. In the meantime, The fundamental thing that Koreans should do is to find out Korean identy. Koreans cannot achieve their goals unless they enforce politics economics, educations, etc. in harmony with their own identity. However, some people say that Koreans do not have any dentity on the grounds that there is no Korean traditional thought. This view is, however, absolutely absurd because it is impossible for a nation to exist for oner five thousand years without having it's own native characteristics. The most essential thought in Korean identity is Confucius' In(仁). In is originated from Yi(夷) or Yi-jok(夷族)'s heart. On this account, Confucius' In can be a precious thought to Korean people who have been suffering from many problem caused by the absence of Korean identity. If Korean could understand their original characteristics and if Korean couldrealize that their original characteristics are Confucius' In, then our culture and identity recovery of though may maximize efficiency of country and society development.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.359-392
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• 2020

In this paper, we examined the development of Chinese Taoist architecture, its cultural implications, and comprehensively summarized the core principles of the Taoist ecological ideas that are reflected in Taoist architecture. This is a groundwork for exploring an ideological model for sustainable ecological architecture in modern cities. Taoist architecture has a long history that has led to changes, developments, and a gradual maturation. Zhi (治), Lu (廬), and Jing (靖), were the first architectural forms of the early Taoist body. These formed the basis for the future development of Taoist Courts (宮觀). The state-sponsored government-run Taoist Courts established from the time of the North and South Dynasties to the time of Tang Dynasty led to a constant standardization of the rites, and these Courts gradually became more and more formalized. Since the establishment of Quanzhenjiao (全眞敎) in the early 12th century, a movement that emphasized putiy training, architecture for the ascetic practice emerged in remote natural spaces suitable for strict ascetic practices. Meanwhile, in Taoist architecture, the type and structure of buildings were strengthened in order to worship various gods. The various Taoist Courts established through this historical process embody the elements, institutions, and ecological ideas of Taoist culture. Taoist architecture basically pursued the idealism of Paradise in a Deep Cave (洞天福地) and adopted a feng-shui theory of using natural terrain artfully in selecting a place and building a layout. This was reflected through their ecology. Meanwhile, Taoist architecture does not destroy the balance of nature by emphasizing the utilization of local natural resources whenever possible while selecting building materials according to the principles of yinyang and the five movements (陰陽五行). In addition, Taoism aims to select simple places for practising asceticism and ancestral rituals whenever possible because of the need to maintain a simple mind, suppress desire, and return to a state of purity. This attitude is an indication of a kind of simple ecological ideas and value of frugality easily found in Taoism. The ecological ideas of Taoism provide abundant resources for considering solutions to the ecological crisis that arises in the creation of residential environments. Through the ecological ideas of Taoism, we can find a direction to understand the relationship between human beings and nature while creating new, sustainable residential environments.