• 유학연구
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• v.48
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• pp.81-105
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• 2019

This paper attempts to grasp the theory of revenge of Jung Yak-Yong in the context of the relational self of Confucian society which is the ground of familism. This paper deals with relation of the law as the ethical behavioral norm of the national community and ethics that differently apply to social relations. If the existing studies are focused on analyzing the revenge theory of Jeong Yak-yong in the context of institutional problems, legal positivism and natural law, this paper considers revenge in the moral philosophical horizon distinguishes meanings of self - awareness, an behavioral approach to human nature. The results are as follow. First, his legal philosophical point of view through the theory of revenge of Jeong Yak-yong is a mixture of legal positivism and natural law. Second, by expanding the voluntary and autonomous nature of his ethics of consideration in relation to theory of revenge to social norms, anger and conflict can be resolved from the terrain of mutual understanding. Third, his understanding of human beings, composed of the nature of good and the possibility of action, will open a way to acquire universality of conduct beyond kin or family. The distinction between the nature of good as original possibilities and empirical good according to autonomous judgments will help to clearly distinguish between revenge categories that are ambiguous in the boundary between lawand morality. In conclusion, the conclusion that can be drawn from this paper is that Jung Yak-yong proposed the grounds for reconciliation and integration community in that he strictly restrained revenge requirements for social order and stability instead of taking the revenge innocence.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.301-311
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• 1985

Even though the anticarcinogenic effect of dietary factors especially beta - carotene has been reported by various investigators, the mechanism of the action of ${\beta}-carotene$ has not yet been identified. We carried out the present study to determine the possibilities of relative cancer risk related to dietary intake of vitamin A ( both ${\beta}-carotene$ and retinol ) and blood levels of vitamin A among Koreans. The subjects were divided into two groups; cancer patients and controls. Blood levels for ${\beta}-carotene$ and retinol were analyzed by alumina column chromatography and colorimetry. Dietary intake was examined by food profile and convenient method for evaluating nutritional status through recalling 10 years of food habits. The results obtained are as follows : 1 ) Calorie, protein, fat, and carbohydrate intakes of cancer patient were lower than those of control. Calorie and carbohydrate intakes showed no significant difference but protein and fat intakes were significantly lower in cancer patients. According to cancer sites, in stomach cancer only fat intake was significantly lower than that of control. In lung and larynx cancer calorie, protein, fat and carbohydrate intakes showed similar trend as in control. 2 ) Vitamin A intake of cancer patient was significantly lower than that of control. It was estimated that 83.6% of total Vitamin A intake were provided by ${\beta}-carotene$ for control and cancer patient respectively. 3 ) The mean intake of dietary ${\beta}-carotene$ in cancer patient was significantly lower than that in control ( $7002\;\mu}g/day$ versus $10326\;{\mu}g/day$ ) According to cancer sites in mean intake of dietary ${\beta}-carotene$ was significantly lower in all but stomach cancer compared with that of control. Lung and larynx cancer showed lowest ${\beta}-carotene$ intake with mean value of $5855{\mu}g/day$ and $5492{\mu}g/day$ respectively. 4 ) The mean intake of dietary retinol in cancer patient was significantly lower than that in control ( $245{\mu}g/day$ versus $338{\mu}g/day$ ), but the difference was not significant. 5 ) The relative risk of all cancers in the first (lowest) to the forth quartile level of ${\beta}-carotene$ consumption such as $0-5999{\mu}g/day$. $6000-8999{\mu}g/day$, $9000-11999{\mu}g/day$/ day and $12000-20000{\mu}g/day$ was 85 : 1.7 : 20 : 1.0. The relative risk of all cancers in the first (lowest) to the forth quartile level of retinol consumption, such as $0-299{\mu}g/day$, $300-599{\mu}g/day$, 600-899${\mu}g/day$, and $900-1200{\mu}g/day$, was 1.14 : 067 : 0.21 : 1.0. 6 ) The various food group consumption of cancer patient were significantly lower than those of control in green leafy vegetables, fruits, sea weeds, milk and cheese and eggs. But the Kimchie consumption in cancer patient was three fold higher than that of control ( $1840\;{\mu}g/day$ versus $562\;{\mu}g/day$ ) and in the stomach cancer, Kimchie consumption was the highest, ( $1890\;{\mu}g/day$) According to cancer sites, the consumption of green leafy vegetables was significantly lower in all but stomach cancer compared to control and other vegetables showed no difference between two. In lung and larynx cancer, green leafy vegetables consumption was lowest ( $6094{\mu}g/day$ $5921{\mu}g/day$) and milk and cheese consumption was also( $5\;{\mu}g/day$ and $11{\mu}g/day$) 7 ) The recovery of ${\beta}-carotene$ from human serum by alumina column chromatography was $94.4{\pm}2.3%$. 8 ) Cancer patients showed significantly lower serum retinol ($56.4{\pm}18.1\:{\mu}g/100ml$ versus $72.2{\pm}21.8\:{\mu}g/100ml$) and ${\beta}-carotene$ ($48.9{\pm}33.8\:{\mu}g/100ml$ versus $72.2{\pm}42.6\:{\mu}g/100ml$) concentrations than in controls. 9 ) But breast cancer patients were not significantly different from controls in their serum retinol and ${\beta}-carotene$ concentrations.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.361-389
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• 2017

This essay examines 'precarity politics' by Judith Butler, a well-known gender theorist and queer philosopher, in Notes Towards a Performative Theory of Assembly (2015) focused on concepts as unchosen cohabitation of Hannah Arendt and unwilled proximity of Emmanuel Levinas. Butler's precarity politics is the condition of our dispossessed political beings with fundamental vulnerability and interdependency that cannot choose with whom we will live on this Earth. Butler's political ethics is twofold: on one hand, she examines significance of 'action'' the most significant vita activa in the public area, and 'plurality'' the condition-not only the necessary condition but the possible condition-for a political life suggested by Hannah Arendt in Human Condition; on the other hand, Butler reflects upon global precarity based on a diasporic precarious life in the social world towards freedom and equality. Unchosen cohabitation of plural humans on Earth, and global pervasion of precarity, that indicates "politically induced condition in which certain populations suffer from failing social and economic networks of support and become differentially exposed to injury, violence, and death," so called "differential distribution of precariousness," are practical possibilities of ethical and equal cohabitation of different ethnic groups in the social world. Ethical obligations or ethical demand to respond to others' suffering in distance and proximity originated from precarity politics, mentioned in Precarious Life, Parting Ways, and Frames of War, could be non-foundational joint of plural people living together globally. We should presume the 'reversibility' of distance and proximity in others' suffering, based on responsiveness and responsibility of others, if we want to stay attuned to the pain of others we never chose to live together. That is the significance of Butler's 'precarity politics' with 'ethical obligation' to accept 'unchosen plurality' of living population on Earth, and 'reversibility between of distance and proximity,' in her 'new plural and embodied body politics' or 'new corporeal ontology', through human primary vulnerability, fundamental interdependency, being exposed and responsive to suffering of others.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.12
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• pp.137-178
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• 2005

The anticommunist guerrillas' activities that aretheconcern of this article took place largely in North Korea or behind the enemy-held lines. Verifying their history is accordingly difficult and requires careful attention, but despite their active operations the military as well as the scholarly community have been lax in studying them. The Korean War came to be perceived as a traditional, limited war with regular battles, so that the studies addressed mostly the regular operations, and guerrilla warfare is remembered as an almost 'exclusive property' of the communist invaders; a small wonder that the anticommunist guerrillas have not been studied much and the collection of materials neglected. Therefore, in contrast with the witness accounts concerning regular battles, witness resources were of a small volume about these "patriots without the service numbers." For the above reasons the guerrilla participants and their later-organized fellowships took to the task of leaving records and compiling the histories of their units. They became active preservers of history in order to inform later generations of their works and also to secure deserved benefits from the government, in a world where none recognized their achievements. For instance, 4th Donkey Unit published witness accounts in addition to a unit history, and left video-recordings of guerrilla witnesses before any institute systematized the oral history of the guerrillas. In the case of Kyulsa ("Resolved to Die") Guerrilla Unit, the unit history was 10 times revised and expanded upon for publication, contributing substantially to the recovery of anticommunist guerrilla history which had almost totally lacked documented resources. Now because the guerrilla-related witness accounts were produced through fellowship societies and not individually, it often took the form of 'collective memory.' As a result, though thousands of former guerrillas remain surviving, the scarcity of numerous versions of, or perspectives upon, an event renders difficult an objective approach to the historical truth. Even requests to verify the service of a guerrilla member or to apply for decoration or government benefits for those killed in action, the process is taken care of not at the hands of the first party but the veteran society, so that a variety of opinions are not available for consideration. Moreover, some accounts were taken by American military personnel, and since some historians, unaware of official documents or evaluation of achievements, tended to center the records around their own units and especially to exaggerate the units' performances, they often featured factual errors. Thefollowing is the means to utilize positively the aforementioned type of witness accounts in military history research. It involves the active use of military historical detachments (MHD). As in the examples of those dispatched by the American forces during the Korean War, experts should be dispatched during, and not just after, wartimes. By considering and investigating the differences among various perspectives on the same historical event, even without extra documented resources it is possibleto arrive at theerrors or questionable points of the oral accounts, supplementing the additional accounts. Therefore any time lapses between witness accounts must be kept in consideration. Moreover when the oral accounts come from a group such as participants in the same guerrilla unit or operation, a standardized list of items ought to be put to use. Education in oral history is necessary not just for the training of experts. In America wherethefield sees much activity, it is used not only in college or graduate programs but also in elementary and lifetime educational processes. In comparison in our nation, and especially in historical disciplines, methodological insistence upon documented evidences prevails in the main, and in the fields of nationalist movement or modern history, oral accounts do not receive adequate attention. Like ancient documents and monuments, oral history also needs to be made a regular part of diverse resource materials at our academic institutes for history. Courses in memory and history, such as those in American colleges, are available possibilities.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.59-72
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• 2020

Video games have become a powerful tool to tell a complex story realistically thanks to modern technology. Rockstar Games' Red Dead Redemption 2 (2018), is a video game title that touts cinematic qualities such as superb acting by the voice actors and jaw-dropping cinematography as well as a rich narrative following the protagonist, Arthur Morgan's quest for redemption. Using Aristotle's Poetics and Robert Mckee's Aristotelian theory on storytelling, this study highlights Arthur's gradual change from a ruthless gunman to an altruistic hero, from which it derives the theme of redemption, and his super-objective to protect those he cares about. Then, it also explains a variety of possibilities in the narrative of the game determined by the opened-ended game mechanics, particularly the "honor" system, which reflects Arthur's moral choices on the narrative presentation with different sets of dialogue and endings. However, the study ultimately argues Red Dead Redemption 2 to be incohesive in its storytelling due to "ludonarrative dissonance," a concept coined by Clint Hocking, which indicates a conflict between the narrative and game mechanics of a video game. It's mainly because the game's various narrative choices bring changes to neither the theme nor Arthur's super-objective. Furthermore, the double-standard of evaluation in the "honor" system, and its numeric ranking system of honor also lend themselves to ludonarrative dissonance even further. After all, the study ultimately claims ludonarrative dissonance in Red Dead Redemption essentially disrupts the game's narrative unity, which is Aristotle's one of most emphasized upon traits of any story and signifies the game's instability as a storytelling medium.