• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 1998.10c
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• pp.169-174
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• 1998

한국어(韓國語)의 격조사(格助詞)와 일본어(日本語)의 격조사(格助詞)의 유사성(類似性)과 상이성(相異性)에 관한 연구(硏究)는 많지만 격조사(格助詞)와 단문(單文)의 통사적(統辭的) 제약(制約)에 관한 연구(硏究)는 미비하다. 본 연구(硏究)에서는 이중대격구문(二重對格構文)의 관점(觀点)에서 양국언어(兩國言語)의 통사적(統辭的) 상이점(相異点)과 분포(分布)의 차이(差異)를 명백(明白)히 밝히며, 일본(日本)의 한국(韓日) 기계번역(機械飜譯) 시스템에서의 처리(處理)와 오역(誤譯)의 처리(處理)를 고찰(考察) 하는 것을 목적(目的)으로 한다.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.4
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• pp.471-494
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• 2002

May(1985) argued that the regress problem of antecedent-contained deletion (ACD) construction could be resolved easily by positing QR. But the proposal has some conceptual and empirical problems. To resolve the problems of QR account on ACD, Hornstein(1994) suggested a new approach viz. LF A-movement approach. In the Minimalist framework, an object raises to the [Spec, Agro] to check the accusative case. Through this movement, the regress problem can be resolved naturally without QR. But the LF A-movement account has the same conceptual problem as the QR approach. In addition to the conceptual problem, it has also empirical problems which were pointed out by Kennedy(1997). To solve the problems, I propose that the object raise to [Spec Agro] overtly as Koizumi(1993, 1995) and Lasnik(1995) insisted. In addition to the proposal, I adopt another assumption that only the copy of a quantifier could become a variable by the vehicle change, which was suggested by Brody(1995). With the above proposals, the unnatural QR operation could be dispensed with and the conceptual and empirical problems which were made concerning the LF A-movement approach could be resolved.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.59-72
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• 2006

In the present study, we investigated the grammaticality judgement skills of children with developmental language impairments. The participants included 20 children with language impairments of ages ranging from 7 to 9 years and of IQ's ranging from 71 to 84, and 40 normally developing children. Twenty normal children were matched with the language impaired children in their language ages and the other 20 normal children were matched with the language impaired children in their chronological ages. The children were asked to judge the grammatical correctness of 48 short sentences, half of which were ungrammatical sentences containing incorrect case-markers and the other half were grammatically correct sentences. Four types of case-markers including nominative "i/ga", accusative "ul/lul", locative "e," and instrumental "ro" were systematically changed to generate the ungrammatical sentences. The language impaired children performed worse than both groups of normally developing children in detecting the ungrammatical sentences and in correcting the case-markers of those sentences. In detecting the errors of ungrammatical sentences, the language impaired children exhibited variable performances across the different case-markers.

• Language and Information
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.1-20
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• 2008

This paper examines the effects of focus types on case ellipsis in Korean. A number of previous studies have suggested that accusative case markers in Korean and Japanese cannot be dropped when the object they mark is contrastively focused (Masunaga, 1988; Yatabe, 1999; Ko, 2000; Lee, 2002). Using experimental evidence, we argue against the view that case ellipsis in Korean is sensitive to the distinction between contrastive vs. non-contrastive focus. An alternative analysis is proposed which accounts for the phenomenon of variable case marking in terms of the interaction between the contrastive strength and the discourse accessibility of focused object NPs. By viewing patterns of case ellipsis as the result of balancing between these two forces, such an analysis can correctly predict the gradient pattern of case ellipsis shown by the three types of focused objects tested in the experiment (contrastive replacing focus, contrastive selecting focus and non-contrastive, informational focus), while at the same time offering an explanation for why subtypes of focus exert distinct influences on case ellipsis.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Language and Information Conference
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• 2007.11a
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• pp.57-66
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• 2007

Case markers in Korean are omissible in colloquial speech. Previous discourse studies of Caseless bare NPs in Korean show that the information structure of zero Nominative not only differs from that of overt Nominative but it also differs from that of zero Accusative in many respects. This paper aims to provide a basis for these semantic/pragmatic properties of Caseless NPs through the syntactic difference between bare subjects and bare objects: namely, the former are left-dislocated NPs, whereas the latter form complex predicates with the subcategorizing verbs. Our analysis will account for the facts that (i) the distribution of bare subject NPs are more restricted than that of bare object NPs; (ii) bare subject NPs must be specific or topical; (iii) Acc-marked NPs in canonical position tend to be focalized.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.35-51
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• 2000

The goal of this paper is to examine how Case Drop (the drop of the case markers) correlates with the prosodic structure in Korean. On the assumption that intervocalic Lenis Stop Voicing (LSV) applies within the domain of the Accentual Phrase (AP), voicing analyses are performed on intervocalic lenis stop consonants before and after Case Drop. A statistical analysis reveals that the drop of the nominative and accusative case markers significantly alter the AP structure. Pitch values will then be extracted to verify that such changes in the AP structure conform to the pitch properties proposed for the AP (Jun 1993, 1998). The results show that the AP structure suggested by LSV does not always coincide with that imposed by the pitch properties.

• Language and Information
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.163-178
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• 2003

Korean displays an interesting construction (so-called possessor agreement construction), where a possessor nominal and its possessum nominal are marked with the same case as shown in the example Mary-ka John-ul tali-lul cha-ss-ta ‘Mary kicked John's leg’ More interestingly, not all possessors in possessive construction are marked the same case with its possessum as shorn in the ungrammatical sentence ＊Mary-ka John-ul cha-lul cha-ss-ta ‘Mary kicked John's car’. Hence, a simple but non-trivial question arises: In what situation are both possessors and possessums marked with the same case\ulcorner In this paper, we advance three claims: (i) Possessor agreement appears in the situation where entailment is satisfied as follows: If Mary kicked John's leg, it entails that Mary kicked John, (ii) entailment in possessor agreement results from theta-feature sharing; specifically, the whole DP and the possessor DP share the same theta role, and (iii) Possessor nominals are marked with accusative (or nominative) case when they are assigned internal theta role from the predicate directly.

• Language and Information
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.53-76
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• 2007

Case markers in Korean are omissible in colloquial speech. Previous discourse studies of Caseless bare NPs in Korean show that the information structure of zero Nominative not only differs from that of overt Nominative but it also differs from that of zero Accusative in many respects. This paper aims to provide a basis for these semantic/pragmatic properties of Caseless NPs through the syntactic difference between bare subjects and bare objects: namely, the former are left-dislocated NPs, whereas the latter form complex predicates with the subcategorizing verbs. Our analysis will account for the facts that (i) the distribution of bare subject NPs are more restricted than that of bare object NPs; (ii) bare subject NPs must be specific or topical; (iii) Acc-marked NPs in canonical position tend to be focalized.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.245-273
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• 2015

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the characteristics of some forms, "거" [kə], "게" [ke], and "걸" [kəl], which originated from a dependent noun "것" [kət]. Nowadays, some studies have argued that these forms are allomorphs of "것" [kət]. However, they are not allomorphs because they do not show a complementary distribution with "것" [kət]. Moreover, we should not deal with "게" [ke] and "걸" [kəl] as at the same level of "것" [kət] and "거" [kə] because they respectively consist of "거" [kə], and the subjective case marker "이" [i] or the accusative case marker "ㄹ" [l]. In other words, they function as an element of a sentence. Therefore, just the "거" [kə] and "걸" [kəl] remain to be argued about concerning variation among them. Especially, the "거" [kə] is almost freely alternated with "것" [kət], whereas even though "걸" [kəl], which is not part of KP (N + case marker), is very restricted so as to appear to be from "거" [kə]. Of course, the restriction they show cannot be under the condition that corresponds to the conception of the alternation. In conclusion, only the "거" [kə] is just an optional variation morph of "것" [kət], whereas "걸" [kəl] is an optional variation morph of "거" [kə]. There is no allomorph of "것" [kət] in the forms originated from itself.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.27-35
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• 2021

This study investigated the status of the wh-island constraint in Seoul Korean. The syntactic movement of a wh-phrase out of an embedded sentence so as to have wide scope at LF is known to be invalid as it violates the wh-island constraint, but there have been studies in which such a movement was possible when the sentence is read with a wh-intonation. We conducted perceptual tests in which subjects were asked to select an answer after listening to each of the four types of interrogative sentences. Three of them were with 'Nugu-leul', which is an accusative form of the wh-phrase 'who' as well as an indefinite form. The fourth sentence contained the name of a person. 'Nugu-leul' and the noun were positioned in the same embedded sentence to see whether the subjects accepted a matrix scope interpretation of the wh-phrases. Response time was transformed to normalized log response time and checked to find any differences in the time taken to select the answers depending on different types of interrogative sentences. The results showed the subjects had a definite preference for the matrix scope interpretation for the sentences with a wh-intonation. The response time required to select the matrix scope interpretation was longer than for any other type of interrogative sentence. We concluded that the wh-island constraint in Seoul Korean is weak.