• Title/Summary/Keyword: abundance

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Assessment of Organic Compound and Bioassay in Soil Using Pharmaceutical Byproduct and Cosmetic Industry Wastewater Sludge as Raw Materials of Compost (제약업종 부산물 및 화장품 제조업 폐수처리오니 처리토양에 대한 유기화합물 및 Bioassay 분석 평가)

  • Lim, Dong-Kyu;Lee, Sang-Beom;Lee, Seung-Hwan;Nam, Jae-Jak;Na, Young-Eun;Kwon, Jang-Sik;Kwon, Soon-Ik;So, Kyu-Ho
    • Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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    • v.23 no.4
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    • pp.203-210
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    • 2004
  • This study was conducted to assessment organic compound and bioassay (density of inhabited animal, fluctuation of predominant fungi, and survival ratio of earthworm) for finding damage on red pepper by heavily amount application of sludges in soil, which was treated with 3 pharmaceutical byproducts and a cosmetic industry wastewater sludge as raw materials of compost, and for establishing estimation method. HEM contents in the soil treated with pharmaceutical byproducts sludge2 (PS2) and cosmetic sludge (CS) were 0.51, 1.10 mg/kg respectively. PAHs content of PS2 treatment in the soil was 3406.8 ug/kg on July 8. In abundance of soil faunas, the pharmaceutical byproducts sludge2 treatment was the most highest. The next was decreased in the order of pig manure (PM) and the cosmetic sludge treatment. However the other pharmaceutical sludge treatments were remarkably reduced populations of soil inhabited animals. In upland soil treated with organic sludges, the numbers of bacteria and fungi of the pharmaceutical sludge treatment were 736, 909 cfu/g and those of the cosmetic sludge treatment were 440, 236 cfu/g, respectively. The pharmaceutical sludge treatments and the cosmetic sludge treatment in identification of predominant bacteria were not any tendency to compare with non fertilizer and pig manure treatments, but they had diverse bacteria than NPK treatment. In microcosm tests, the survival of the tiger earthworm in five soil samples was hardly affected against the soil of PSI (20%) after three months treated in the upland But after six months, survival of PS1 was 80%. At present, raw material of compost was authorized by contents of organic matter, heavy metal (8 elements), and product processing according to 'The specified gist on possible materials of using after analysis and investigation among raw materials of compost', however, for preparing to change regulation of raw material of compost and for considering to possibility of application, this study was conducted to investigate toxic organic compound and bioassay methods using inhabited animal, fungi, and earthworm without current regulation.

Temporal and Spatial Distribution of Benthic Polychaetous Communities in Seomjin River Estuary (섬진강 하구역 저서다모류군집의 시·공간 분포)

  • Kang, Sung Hyo;Lee, Jung Ho;Park, Sung Wan;Shin, Hyun Chool
    • The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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    • v.19 no.4
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    • pp.243-255
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    • 2014
  • This study was investigated to estimate the relations between benthic environments and benthic polychaetous community from April 2012 to February 2013. Twenty four stations were selected sequentially with Seomjin River Estuary from the northern part of Gwangyang Bay. The study area could be divided into three characteristic zones based on salinity, water temperature, dissolved oxygen and pH such as Saline Water Zone (SWZ), Brackish Water Zone (BWZ), and Fresh Water Zone (FWZ). Salinity was above 30.0 psu in SWZ, drastically decreased toward inland in BWZ, and nearly zero psu in FWZ. SWZ showed its specific environmental characters like that water temperature fluctuated with little seasonal change and DO showed the lowest values among three zones, and pH maintained as consistent value without seasonal fluctuation. In FWZ, on the other hand, water temperature showed high seasonal fluctuation, DO showed the highest values among three zones, and pH fluctuated greatly. In sedimentary environment, mud, sand and sand/gravel were found as dominant sedimentary deposits in SWZ, BWZ and FWZ, respectively. Organic matter content and AVS in surface sediment were high in SWZ, while Chl-a content high in FWZ. This study area showed a marked environmental difference between FWZ and SWZ as follows: FWZ has coarse sediment and low salinity, low organic matter content, low AVS in FWZ but SWZ has fine sediment and high salinity, high organic matter content and AVS. Species number and mean density of benthic polychaete community was highest in Saline Water Zone (SWZ), drastically decreased in Brackish Water Zone (BWZ), and lowest in Fresh Water Zone (FWZ). Dominant polychates above 5.0% of individual numbers were 6 taxa. Lumbrineris longifolia, Prionospio cirrifera, Tharyx sp. occurred as main dominant species of all study periods, and Hediste sp., Praxillella affinis, Tylorrhynchus sp. dominantly occurred at some seasons. Inhabiting areas of dominant species were separated characteristically. Representative species in SWZ were Lumbrineris longifolia, Tharyx sp., Mediomastus sp.. Wide-appearing species between SWZ and BWZ were Prionospio cirrifera, Heteromastus filiformis, Aricidea sp.. Characteristic species in FWZ were Tylorrhynchus sp. and Hediste sp.. As the results of cluster analysis and nMDS based on the species composition of polychaetous community, unique station groups were established in SWZ and FWZ. Stations in BWZ were sub-divided into several groups with season. Pearson's correlation analysis and PCA between benthic environments and ecological characteristics of polychaetous community showed that salinity, sediment composition, organic content and dissolved oxygen played a role to determine the temporal and spatial distribution of the ecological characteristics as species number, mean density, abundance of main species, and ecological indices.

Korea's Street Processions and Traditional Performing Arts (한국의 가두행렬(街頭行列)과 전통연희)

  • Jeon, KyungWook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.18
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    • pp.513-557
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    • 2009
  • The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.

Word-of-Mouth Effect for Online Sales of K-Beauty Products: Centered on China SINA Weibo and Meipai (K-Beauty 구전효과가 온라인 매출액에 미치는 영향: 중국 SINA Weibo와 Meipai 중심으로)

  • Liu, Meina;Lim, Gyoo Gun
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.25 no.1
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    • pp.197-218
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    • 2019
  • In addition to economic growth and national income increase, China is also experiencing rapid growth in consumption of cosmetics. About 67% of the total trade volume of Chinese cosmetics is made by e-commerce and especially K-Beauty products, which are Korean cosmetics are very popular. According to previous studies, 80% of consumer goods such as cosmetics are affected by the word of mouth information, searching the product information before purchase. Mostly, consumers acquire information related to cosmetics through comments made by other consumers on SNS such as SINA Weibo and Wechat, and recently they also use information about beauty related video channels. Most of the previous online word-of-mouth researches were mainly focused on media itself such as Facebook, Twitter, and blogs. However, the informational characteristics and the expression forms are also diverse. Typical types are text, picture, and video. This study focused on these types. We analyze the unstructured data of SINA Weibo, the SNS representative platform of China, and Meipai, the video platform, and analyze the impact of K-Beauty brand sales by dividing online word-of-mouth information with quantity and direction information. We analyzed about 330,000 data from Meipai, and 110,000 data from SINA Weibo and analyzed the basic properties of cosmetics. As a result of analysis, the amount of online word-of-mouth information has a positive effect on the sales of cosmetics irrespective of the type of media. However, the online videos showed higher impacts than the pictures and texts. Therefore, it is more effective for companies to carry out advertising and promotional activities in parallel with the existing SNS as well as video related information. It is understood that it is important to generate the frequency of exposure irrespective of media type. The positiveness of the video media was significant but the positiveness of the picture and text media was not significant. Due to the nature of information types, the amount of information in video media is more than that in text-oriented media, and video-related channels are emerging all over the world. In particular, China has made a number of video platforms in recent years and has enjoyed popularity among teenagers and thirties. As a result, existing SNS users are being dispersed to video media. We also analyzed the effect of online type of information on the online cosmetics sales by dividing the product type of cosmetics into basic cosmetics and color cosmetics. As a result, basic cosmetics had a positive effect on the sales according to the number of online videos and it was affected by the negative information of the videos. In the case of basic cosmetics, effects or characteristics do not appear immediately like color cosmetics, so information such as changes after use is often transmitted over a period of time. Therefore, it is important for companies to move more quickly to issues generated from video media. Color cosmetics are largely influenced by negative oral statements and sensitive to picture and text-oriented media. Information such as picture and text has the advantage and disadvantage that the process of making it can be made easier than video. Therefore, complaints and opinions are generally expressed in SNS quickly and immediately. Finally, we analyzed how product diversity affects sales according to online word of mouth information type. As a result of the analysis, it can be confirmed that when a variety of products are introduced in a video channel, they have a positive effect on online cosmetics sales. The significance of this study in the theoretical aspect is that, as in the previous studies, online sales have basically proved that K-Beauty cosmetics are also influenced by word-of-mouth. However this study focused on media types and both media have a positive impact on sales, as in previous studies, but it has been proven that video is more informative and influencing than text, depending on media abundance. In addition, according to the existing research on information direction, it is said that the negative influence has more influence, but in the basic study, the correlation is not significant, but the effect of negation in the case of color cosmetics is large. In the case of temporal fashion products such as color cosmetics, fast oral effect is influenced. In practical terms, it is expected that it will be helpful to use advertising strategies on the sales and advertising strategy of K-Beauty cosmetics in China by distinguishing basic and color cosmetics. In addition, it can be said that it recognized the importance of a video advertising strategy such as YouTube and one-person media. The results of this study can be used as basic data for analyzing the big data in understanding the Chinese cosmetics market and establishing appropriate strategies and marketing utilization of related companies.

A Survey of the Status of Nutrition in Rural Korea (농촌(農村) 영양실태(營養實態)에 관(關)한 조사(調査))

  • Lee, Geum-Yeong;Suh, Myung-Sook
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.71-76
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    • 1973
  • 1. This survey is somewhat different from that conducted by Yonsei University, although being in many respects, very similar. We found the average per capita caloric intake to be 7 or 8% of what it should be. Of that caloric intake, 84.5% in the model village here and 82.2% in the compared village Bupyong, by and large depends on cereal grains. Since such grains tend to distend the stomach, the farmers, it seems,should substitute fat for a part of their diet so as to dimish digestive pain and still receive the necessary calories. 2. Protein is the most important nutrient for the development of physical strength and improvement of health, but the average daily intake is only 68.3% of the necessary amount. It is desirable that the ratio of vegetable protein to that of animal be one to three for maintaining one's health. Most of the villager's protein, however, comes from plants: the intake of animal protein, at a level of only 13.6 g, is far below such a one to three ratio. 3. In the model village, 497.6 mg, of inorganic calcium is the daily intake level. In the compared village it is 505.5 mg, making a difference of only 8mg. This, however, is 35% less than the recommended intake. More than 50% of this calcium comes from cereals and other plants. Moreover, plant calcium which has much oxakuc acud us not as nutritional as animal calcium, so their calcium diet is less than it would appear. We must, therefore, make efforts to receive as good nutritional calcium as possible. 4. Among the vitamin group, the daily average intake of vitamin A and vitamin $B_{2}$ are respectively 40% and 32% less than the desired intake, while vitamin $B_{1}$ happens to be taken in sufficient quantities and more niacin is taken than which is even necessary. The intake of vitamin C is much more than the necessary quantity. However, this figure was calculated from uncooked food; if the loss from cooking were to be considered, the real intake might well be a little less. Also, as this survey was carried out in May, some of these results were influenced by the fact that lettuce and spinach are seasonally popular. In conclusion, except for a few nutrients which are in abundance, the normal food intake in a day is, on the whole, less than the average recommended. Furthermore despite the fact that both of these places are model villages in the development of nutrition, it seems that they have not gotten out of such conventional eating habiys as the almost dependancy on cereal grains. Cow's milk, sheep's milk, eggs and so on produced by each farmhouse are not used for their own families but are taken to the market for the purpose of making money. Accordingly, I think from now we must seek to improve, guide and enlighten the farmers as to how to correct their eating habits and implement changes in their lives so that our firm purpose may be achieved.

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The Landscape Configuration and Semantic Landscape of Hamheo-pavilion in Gokseong (곡성 함허정(涵虛亭)의 경관짜임과 의미경관)

  • Lee, Hyun-Woo;Sim, Woo-Kyung;Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Sup
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.33 no.1
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    • pp.52-64
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    • 2015
  • This research traced the characteristics of the semantic landscape, construction intent, landscape composition, and geomantic conditions of the area subject to the research based on the research methods of 'field investigation, document studies, and interviews,' centering around the entire area of Gokseong Hamheo-pavilion (Jeonnam Tangible Cultural Assets No. 160). The result of the research, specifically revealing the forms and methods by which the reciprocal view of nature and landscape composition appearing in the landscape of the entire area of Hamheo-pavilion, as part of the analysis and interpretation over the view-based construction characteristics and position of the entire area of Gokseong Hamheo-pavilion, can be summarized as follows. First, Hamheo-pavilion is a pavilion built as a resting area and as a venue for educational activities in 1543 in the nearby areas after Gwang-hyeon Sim founded Gunjichon-jeongsa for educational activities and dwelling purposes at Gunchon at the 30th year of King Jungjong. Gunchon, where Hamheo-pavilion and Gunjichon-jeongsa is located, exhibits the typical form having water in the front, facing Sunja-river(present Seomjin-river), and a mountain in the back side. Dongak-mountain, which is a guardian mountain, is in a snail-type form where cows leisurely ruminate and lie on the riverside, and the Hamheo-pavilion area is said to be an area bordering on one's way of enjoying peace and richness as it is a place with plentiful grass bushes available for cows to ruminate and lie down while sheppards may leisurely play their flutes at the riverside. The back hill of Hamheo-pavilion is a blood vessel that enters the water into the underwater palace of the turtle, and the building sitting on the turtle's back is Hamheo-pavilion, and the Guam-jodae(龜巖釣臺) and lava on the southern side below the cliff can be interpreted to be the underwater fairly land wanted by the turtle.6) Second, Hamheo-pavilion is the scenery viewpoint of Sungang-Cheongpung (3rd Scenery) and Seolsan-Nakjo(雪山落照, 9th Scenery) among the eight sceneries of Gokseong, while also the scenery viewpoint of Hamheo-Sunja(2nd Scenery) and Cheonma-Gwiam(天馬歸岩, 3rd Scenery) among the eight sceneries of Ipmyeon. On the other hand, the pavilion is reproduced through the aesthetics of bends through sensible penetration and transcendental landscape viewed based on the Confucian-topos and ethics as the four bends among the five bends of Sunja-river arranged in the 'Santaegeuk(山太極) and Sutaeguek(水太極, formation of the yin-yang symbol by the mountain and water)' form, which is alike the connection of yin and yang. In particular, when based on the description over Mujinjeong (3rd Bend), Hoyeonjeong(4th Bend), andHapgangjeong(2nd Bend) among the five bends of Sunja-river in the records of Bibyeonsainbangan-jido(duringthe 18th century) and Okgwahyeonji(1788), the scenery of the five bends of Sunja-river allow to glimpse into its reputation as an attraction-type connected scenery in the latter period of the Joseon era, instead of only being perceived of its place identity embracing the fairyland world by crossing in and out of the world of this world and nirvana. Third, Hamheo-pavilion, which exhibits exquisite aesthetics of vacancy, is where the 'forest landscape composed of old big trees such as oak trees, oriental oak trees, and pine trees,' 'rock landscape such as Guam-jodae, lava, and layered rocks' and 'cultural landscape of Gunchon village' is spread close by. In the middle, it has a mountain scenery composed of Sunja-river, Masan-peak, and Gori-peak, and it is a place where the scenery by Gori-peak, Masan-peak, Mudeung-mountain, and Seol-mountain is spread and open in $180^{\circ}$ from the east to west. Mangseo-jae, the sarangchae (men's room)of Gunjichon-jeongsa, means a 'house observing Seoseok-mountain,' which has realized the diverse view-oriented intent, such as by allowing to look up Seol-mountain or Mudeung-mountain, which are back mountains behind the front mountain, through landscape configuration. Fourth, the private home, place for educational activities, pavilion, memorial room, and graveyard of Gunji-village, where the existence and ideal is connected, is a semantic connected scenery relating to the life cycle of the gentry linking 'formation - abundance - transcendence - regression.' In particular, based on the fact that the descriptions over reciprocal views of nature regarding an easy and comfortable life and appreciations for a picturesque scene of the areas nearby Sunja-river composes most of the poetic phrases relating to Hamheo-pavilion, it can be known that Hamheo-pavilion is expressed as the key to the idea of 'understanding how to be satisfied while maintaining one's positon with a comfortable mind' and 'returning to nature,' while also being expressed of its pedantic character as a place for reclusion for training one's mind and training others through metaphysical semantic scenery.

STUDIES ON THE DIMORPHISM AND FERTILITY OF PERSICARIA JAPONICA (MEISSNER) GROSS ET NAKAI (Persicaria Japonica (MISSNER) Gross et Nakai의 이형화와 수정력에 관한 연구)

  • HARN, Chang Yawl
    • Journal of Plant Biology
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.1-15
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    • 1960
  • HARN, Chang Yawl : Studies on the dimorphism and Fertility of Persicaria japonica (MEISSNER) Gross et Nakai. Kor Jour. Bot. 3(I) 1-15 1960 Numerous investigations, since the works of DARWIN, have been made regarding the heterostylous plants by JOST (1907), CORRENS (1924), LAIBACK (1924), LEWIS (1943), and many others. Studies on the heterostylous Polygomum, however, were not reported except for the buckwhent, Fagopyrum esculentum, which was investigated by SCHOCH-BODMER (1930), EAST (1934), FROLOVA & Co-Workers (1946), MORRIS (1947, 1951) TATEBE (1949, 1951, 1953), present author (1957), and others. It is because no heterostylous species, besides buckwheat, have been known to exist in the Polygonum family. The author, during his studies on both heterostylism and fertility of Polygonaceae, has found that the species, persicaria japonica (Meissner) Gross et Nakai, is not diecious as has been known in taxonomy, but in reality beterostylous both morphologically and physiologically. It was found that this plant, regarded by taxonomist, as a male plant setting no seed, actually set seed (botanical fruit) when legitimate combination was made. Since his brief report on the dimorphic phenomens of this plant in 1956, the author's further research on the manner of fertilization has revealed that this species is a peculiar type whose dimorphism has undergone extreme specialization structurally and physiologically, the short-styled individual behaving in nature as a male plant and the long-styled individual, as female, whereas in controllled pollination the plant shows highly differentiated typical dimorphism. When compared with the other dimorphous species of this family, F. esculentum and P. sentiosa. it has been clarified that these three species differ in the degree of differentiation of their dimorphism morphologically and physiologically. That is, P. japonica has developed such a high specialization as to mislead the taxonomists, while P. senticosa shows almost no noticeable difference between long- and shortstyled individuals retaining most of the inherent physiological character cmmon to the genus except for the fact that it has two forms of flowers. F. esculentum appears to have taken the intermediate position in every respect. The result obtained in the present experiment are summarized as follows: 1) P. japonica has two kinds of individuals, one long style-short stamened; the other, short style-long stamened. The floral structure of this plants shows typical characteristics of dimorphic heterostylism. The differentiation between the two forms of flower has proceeded so highly both in primary and secondary difference of flower structure that this may be regarded as the most specialized form of dimorphism. 2) The differences of floral structure between the long and short styled individuals are remarkable compared with the other dimorphic species of the family. 3) The stamens of long styled plants show the sign of deteriolation whereas those of the short styled flower are well-developed. 4) When legitimate combinations are made, both L- and S-styled individuals are fertilized well and set seed (fruit), while in the illegitimate combination no fertilization and seed setting occur. Physiologically this species exhibits the typical behavior of dimorphic plants. 5) The self-fertile character, so common in other species of the other non-heterostyle Polygonum family, has disappeared completely. 6) Under natural conditions, no or few seed setting is observed in short styled individuals that behave as if they were male plants. 7) In hand pollination, the combination of both $L{\times}S$ and $S{\times}L$ alike yield relatively good fertility and seed-formation, the behavior of short styled individuals in artificial pollination differing remarkably from that in nature. 8) Under controlled pollination, $L{\times}S$ combination sets far more seed than in the combination of $S{\times}L$. In the S-styled individuals, the fertilized flower has the tendency of its seed more readily falling off in every stage of seed development than in the L-styled individuals. 9) The behaviors of pollen tubes just parallels the results of fertility test. That is, in the illegitimate combination, L-selfed, $L{\times}L$, S-selfed, and $S{\times}S$, the growth of pollen tubes is checked in the style, while in legitimately combined $L{\times}S$ and $S{\times}L$, the pollen tubes grow well reaching the ovaries within 40-50 minutes after pollination. The response of short styled individuals, known as male plant among taxonomists, is identical, as far as behavior fo pollen tube growth and fertilization are concerned, to that of long styled individuals, the so-called female plant. 10) The pollen grains from the short-styled plants are complete and fertile, whereas 70% of those of L-styled are found to be abortive, i.e., empty contents. 11) The remaining 30% of pollen of L-plant shows varied degree of stainability when stained with iron-aceto-carmine......mostly light red, while the pollen grains of S-style individuals are dark brown indicating complete fertility and viability. 12) The abundance of sterile pollen in L-styled and the nature of seed-dropping which occurs in S-styled individuals appear to be the main causes why the short styled individuals bear no seed in nature. Under controlled legitimate union, $S{\times}L$, the careful and elaborate pollination would give the S-styoled flowers the opportunities to receive the fertile pollens, though few in number, from L-styled plant, thus enabling S-plant to bear seed. 13) This species is not dioecious as is regarded by taxonomists, but typical dimorphic plant which has so highly specialized in floral structures and funcitons that the long-styled plant behaves just like a female individual; and the short-styled, like a male.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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