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The Significance of Plasma Urokinase-type Plasminogen Activator and Type 1 Plasminogen Activator Inhibitor in Lung Cancer (폐암에서 혈장 Urokinase-Type Plasminogen Activator 및 Type 1 Plasminogen Activator Inhibitor의 의의)

  • Park, Kwang-Joo;Kim, Hyung-Jung;Ahn, Chul-Min;Lee, Doo-Yun;Chang, Joon;Kim, Sung-Kyu;Lee, Won-Young
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.44 no.3
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    • pp.516-524
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    • 1997
  • Background : Cancer invasion and metastasis require the dissolution of the extracellular matrix in which several proteolytic enzymes are involved. One of these enzymes is the urokinase-type plasminogen activator(u-PA), and plasminogen activator inhibitors(PAI-1, PAI-2) also have a possible role in cancer invasion and metastasis by protection of cancer itself from proteolysis by u-PA. It has been reported that the levels of u-PA and plasminogen activator inhibitors in various cancer tissues are significantly higher than those in normal tissues and have significant correlations with tumor size and lymph node involvement. Here, we measured the concentration of plasma u-PA and PAI-1 antigens in the patients with lung cancer and compared the concentration of them with histologic types and staging parameters. Methods : We measured the concentration of plasma u-PA and PAI-1 antigens using commercial ELISA kit in 37 lung cancer patients, 21 benign lung disease patients and 24 age-matched healthy controls, and we compared the concentration of them with histologic types and staging parameters in lung cancer patients. Results : The concentration of u-PA was $1.0{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in controls, $1.0{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in benign lung disease patients and $0.9{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in lung cancer patients. The concentration of PAI-1 was $14.2{\pm}6.7ng/mL$ in controls, $14.9{\pm}6.3ng/mL$ in benign lung disease patients, and $22.1{\pm}9.8ng/mL$ in lung cancer patients. The concentration of PAI-1 in lung cancer patients was higher than those of benign lung disease patients and controls. The concentration of u-PA was $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in squamous cell carcinoma, $0.8{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in adenocarcinoma, 0.9ng/mL in large cell carcinoma, and $1.1{\pm}0.7ng/mL$ in small cell carcinoma. The concentration of PAI-1 was $22.3{\pm}7.2ng/mL$ in squamous cell carcinoma, $22.6{\pm}9.9ng/mL$ in adenocarcinoma, 42 ng/mL in large cell carcinoma, and $16.0{\pm}14.2ng/mL$ in small cell carcinoma. The concentration of u-PA was 0.74ng/mL in stage I, $1.2{\pm}0.6ng/mL$ in stage II, $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in stage IIIA, $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in stage IIIB, and $0.7{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in stage IV. The concentration of PAI-1 was 21.8ng/mL in stage I, $22.7{\pm}8.7ng/mL$ in stage II, $18.4{\pm}4.9ng/mL$ in stage IIIA, $25.3{\pm}9.0ng/mL$ in stage IIIB, and $21.5{\pm}10.8ng/mL$ in stage IV. When we divided T stage into T1-3 and T4, the concentration of u-PA was $0.8{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in T1-3 and $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in T4, and the concentration of PAI-1 was $17.9{\pm}5.6ng/mL$ in T1-3 and $26.1{\pm}9.1ng/mL$ in T4. The concentration of PAI-1 in T4 was significantly higher than that in T1-3. The concentration of u-PA was $0.8{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in M0 and $0.7{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in M1, and the concentration of PAI-1 was $23.6{\pm}8.3ng/mL$ in M0 and $21.5{\pm}10.8ng/mL$ in M1. Conclusions : The plasma levels of PAI-1 in lung cancer were higher than benign lung disease and controls, and the plasma levels of PAI-1 in T4 were significantly higher than T1-3. These findings suggest involvement of PAI-1 with local invasion of lung cancer, but it should be confirmed by the data on comparison with pathological staging and tissue level in lung cancer.

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Survey of Daily Caffeine Intakes from Children's Beverage Consumption and the Effectiveness of Nutrition Education (어린이들의 음료를 통한 카페인 섭취량 실태조사 및 영양교육에 따른 효과 평가)

  • Kim, Sung-Dan;Yun, Eun-Sun;Chang, Min-Su;Park, Young-Ae;Jung, Sun-Ok;Kim, Dong-Gyu;Kim, Youn-Cheon;Chae, Young-Zoo;Kim, Min-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.38 no.6
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    • pp.709-720
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    • 2009
  • This study was conducted to identify daily caffeine intakes in beverages for elementary school children and to evaluate its effectiveness after nutrition education. The caffeine contents of 140 commercial beverages were analysed by high performance liquid chromatography-ultraviolet detector (HPLC-UV) and information about their consumption were obtained by surveying 267 children. Researchers gave nutrition education to the children, who were 6 to 11 years old and attended 9 classes of 3 elementary schools, by lecture, Powerpoint file and moving picture. Their preference and intake amount on beverages were investigated by questionnaire before and after nutrition education. The order on caffeine contents was coffee ($33.8{\pm}2.4{\sim}49.1{\pm}5.6\;mg/100\;mL$)> coffee milk ($10.6{\pm}3.3\;mg/100\;mL$)> cola ($6.0{\pm}2.4\;mg/100\;mL$)> green black oolong tea drink ($6.0{\pm}2.4\;mg/100\;mL$)> chocolate milk and chocolate drink ($1.6{\pm}0.7{\sim}1.7\;mg/100\;mL$)> black ice tea mix ($1.3{\pm}1.7\;mg/100\;mL$). The order on children's preference was carbonated drink and fruit and vegetable drink (27%)> sports drink (26%)> processed cocoa mix (7%)> milk (6%)> vitamin & functional drink (3%)> green tea drink (2%)> black tea drink and coffee (1%). The average daily caffeine intakes except tea drink was $5.9{\pm}11.2$ mg/person/day ($0.17{\pm}0.32$ mg/kg bw/day), ranged from $0.0{\sim}80.5$ mg/person/day for children. The sources of caffeine were coffee 57% (3.4 mg/person/day), coffee milk 20% (1.2 mg/person/day), carbonated drink 15% (0.9 mg/person/day), chocolate milk and chocolate drink 6% (0.4 mg/person/day), and vitamin & functional drink 2% (0.1 mg/person/day). After nutrition education, the preference of carbonated drink, coffee, vitamin drinks & functional drink was decreased significantly (p<0.05, p<0.05, p<0.01) and the intakes of carbonated drink, chocolate milk & chocolate drink, and vitamin & functional drink were also decreased significantly (p<0.01, p<0.05, p<0.01). This study has shown that nutrition education influences the preference and the intake behavior of caffeinated beverages.

The First North Korean Painting in the Collection of the National Museum of Korea: Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain by Seon-u Yeong (국립중앙박물관 소장 산률(山律) 선우영(鮮于英) 필(筆) <금강산 묘길상도>)

  • Yi, Song-mi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.87-104
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    • 2020
  • Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

Sovereignty and Wine Vessels: The Feast Culture of the Goryeo Court and the Symbolic Meaning of Celadon Wine Vessels (고려 왕실의 연례 문화와 청자 주기(酒器)의 상징적 의미: 왕권과 주기(酒器))

  • Kim Yun-jeong
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.40-69
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    • 2023
  • This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

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Analytical Studies on Yield and Yield Components in Barley (대맥의 수량 및 수량구성요소에 관한 해석적 연구)

  • Chung-Yun Park
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.18
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    • pp.88-123
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    • 1975
  • To obtain useful fundamental informations for improving cultural practices of barley, an investigation was made on the influences of different fertilizer level and seeding rate as well as seeding date on yield and yield components and their balancing procedure using barley variety Suwon # 18, and at the same time, 8 varieties including Suwon # 18 were also tested to clarify the varietal responses in terms of their yield and yield components under different seeding date at Crop Experiment Station, Suwon, during the period of 1969 and 1970. The results obtained were summarized as follows; 1. Days to emergence of barley variety Suwon # 18 at Suwon, took 8 to 19 days in accordance with given different seeding date (from Sept. 21 to Oct. 31). Earlier emergence was observed by early seeding and most of the seeds were emerged at 15$0^{\circ}C$ cumulated soil temperature at 5cm depth from surface under the favorable condition. 2. Degree of cold injury in different seeding date was seemed to be affected by the growth rate of seedlings and climatic condition during the wintering period. Over growth and number of leaves less than 5 to 6 on the main stem before wintering were brought in severe cold damage during the wintering period. 3. Even though the number of leaves on the main stem were variable from 11 to 16 depending upon the seeding date. this differences were occurred before wintering and less variation was observed after wintering. Particularly, differences of the number of main stem leaves from September 21 to October 11 seeding date were occurred due to the differences of number of main stem leaves before wintering. 4. Dry matter accumulation before wintering was high in early seeded plot and gradually decreased in accordance with delayed seeding date and less different in dry matter weight was observed after wintering. However, the increment rate of this dry matter was high from regrowth to heading time and became low during the ripening period. 5. Number of tillers per $\m^2$ was higher in early seeding than late one and dense planting was higher in the number of tillers than sparse planting. Number of tillers per plant was lower in number and variation in dense planting, and reverse tendency was observed in sparse planting. By increasing seedling rate in early seeding date the number of tiller per plant was remarkably decreased, but the seeding rate didn't affect the individual tillering capacity in the late seeding date. 6. Seedlings were from early planting reached maximum tillering stage earlier than those from the late planting and no remarkable changes was observed due to increased seeding rate. However. increased seeding rate tends to make it earlier the maximum tillering stage early. 7. Stage of maximum tillering was coincided with stage of 4-5 main stem leaves regardless the seeding date. 8. Number of heads per $\m^2$ was increased with increased seeding rate but considerable year variation in number of heads was observed by increased fertilizer level. Therefore, it was clear that there is no difficulties in increasing number of heads per $\m^2$ through increasing both fertilizer level and seeding rate. This type of tendency was more remarkable at optimum seeding time. In the other hand, seeding at optimum time is more important than increasing seeding rate, but increasing seeding rate was more effective in late seeding for obtaining desirable number of heads per $\m^2$. 9. Number of heads per $\m^2$ was decreased generally in all varieties tested in late seeding, but the degree of decrease by late seeding was lower in Suwon # 18. Yuegi, Hangmi and Buheung compared with Suwon # 4, Suwon # 6, Chilbo and Yungwolyukak. 10. Highly significant positive correlations were obtained between number of head and tillers per $\m^2$ from heading date in September 21 seeding, from before-wintering in October 1 seeding and in all growth period from October 11 to October 31 seeding. However, relatively low correlation coefficient was estimated between number of heads and tillers counted around late March to early April in any seeding date. 11. Valid tiller ratio varied from 33% to 76% and highest yield was obtained when valid tiller ratio was about 50%. Therefore, variation of valid tiller ratio was greater due to seeding date differences than due to seeding rate. Early seeding decreased the valid tiller ratio and gradually increased by delaying seeding date but decreased by increasing seeding rate. Among the varieties tested Suwon # 18, Hangmi, Yuegi as well as Buheung should be high valid tiller ratio not only in late seeding but also in early seeding. In contrast to this phenomena, Chilbo, Suwon # 4, Suwon # 6 and Yungwolyukak expressed low valid tiller ratio in general, and also exhibited the same tendency in late seeding date. 12. Number of grains per spike was increased by increasing fertilizer level and decreased by increasing seeding rate. Among the seeding date tested. October 21 (1969) and October 11 (1970) showed lowest number of grains per spike which was increased in both early seeding and late seeding date. There were no definite tendencies observed along with seeding date differences in respective varieties tested. 13. Variation of 1000 grain weight due to fertilizer level applied, seeding date and seeding rate was not so high as number of grains per spike and number of heads per $\m^2$, but exhibited high year variation. Increased seeding rate decreased the 1000 grain weight. Among the varieties tested Chilbo and Buheung expressed heavy grain weight, while Suwon # 18, Hangmi and Yuegi showed comparatively light grain weight. 14. Optimum seeding date in Suwon area was around October 1 to October 11. Yield was generally increased by increasing fertilizer level. Yield decrease due to early seeding was compensated in certain extent by increased fertilizer application. 15. Yield variations due to seeding rate differences were almost negligible compare to the variations due to fertilizer level and seeding date. In either early seeding or law fertilizer level yield variation due to seeding rate was not so remarkable. Increment of fertilizer application was more effective for yield increase especially at increased seeding rate. And also increased seeding rate fairly compensated the decrease of yield in late seeding date. 16. Optimum seeding rate was considered to be around 18-26 liters per 10a at N-P-K=10.5-6-6 kg/10a fertilizer level considering yield stabilization. 17. Varietal differences in optimum seeding date was quite remarkable Suwon # 6, Suwon # 4. Buheung noted high yield at early seeding and Suwon # 18, Yuegi and Hangmi yielded higher in seeding date of October 10. However, Buheung showed late seeding adaptability. 18. Highly significant positive correlations were observed between yield and yield components in all treatments. However, this correlation coefficient was increased positively by increased fertilizer level and decreased by increased seeding rate. Significant negative correlation coefficients were estimated between yield and number of grains per spike, since increased number of heads per m2 at the same level of fertilizer tends to decrease the number of grains per spike. Comparatively low correlation coefficients were estimated between 1000 grain weight and yield. 19. No significant relations in terms of correlation coefficients was observed between number of heads per $\m^2$ and 1000 grain weight or number of grains per head.

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Kim Eung-hwan's Official Excursion for Drawing Scenic Spots in 1788 and his Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains (1788년 김응환의 봉명사경과 《해악전도첩(海嶽全圖帖)》)

  • Oh, Dayun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.54-88
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    • 2019
  • The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.