• Title/Summary/Keyword: Yield point

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A Study on the Trend and Utilization of Stone Waste (석재폐기물 현황 및 활용 연구)

  • Chea, Kwang-Seok;Lee, Young Geun;Koo, Namin;Yang, Hee Moon
    • Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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    • v.35 no.3
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    • pp.333-344
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    • 2022
  • The quarrying and utilization of natural building stones such as granite and marble are rapidly emerging in developing countries. A huge amount of wastes is being generated during the processing, cutting and sizing of these stones to make them useable. These wastes are disposed of in the open environment and the toxic nature of these wastes negatively affects the environment and human health. The growth trend in the world stone industry was confirmed in output for 2019, increasing more than one percent and reaching a new peak of some 155 million tons, excluding quarry discards. Per-capita stone use rose to 268 square meters per thousand persons (m2/1,000 inh), from 266 the previous year and 177 in 2001. However, we have to take into consideration that the world's gross quarrying production was about 316 million tons (100%) in 2019; about 53% of that amount, however, is regarded as quarrying waste. With regards to the stone processing stage, we have noticed that the world production has reached 91.15 million tons (29%), and consequently this means that 63.35 million tons of stone-processing scraps is produced. Therefore, we can say that, on a global level, if the quantity of material extracted in the quarry is 100%, the total percentage of waste is about 71%. This raises a substantial problem from the environmental, economical and social point of view. There are essentially three ways of dealing with inorganic waste, namely, reuse, recycling, or disposal in landfills. Reuse and recycling are the preferred waste management methods that consider environmental sustainability and the opportunity to generate important economic returns. Although there are many possible applications for stone waste, they can be summarized into three main general applications, namely, fillers for binders, ceramic formulations, and environmental applications. The use of residual sludge for substrate production seems to be highly promising: the substrate can be used for quarry rehabilitation and in the rehabilitation of industrial sites. This new product (artificial soil) could be included in the list of the materials to use in addition to topsoil for civil works, railway embankments roundabouts and stone sludge wastes could be used for the neutralization of acidic soil to increase the yield. Stone waste is also possible to find several examples of studies for the recovery of mineral residues, including the extraction of metallic elements, and mineral components, the production of construction raw materials, power generation, building materials, and gas and water treatment.

Analysis of Changes in Photosynthetic Ability, Photosystem II Activity, and Canopy Temperature Factor in Response to Drought S tress on Native Prunus maximowiczii and Prunus serrulate (자생 산개벚나무, 잔털벚나무의 건조 스트레스에 따른 광합성 및 광계II 활성, 엽온 인자 변화 분석)

  • Jin, Eon-Ju;Yoon, Jun-Hyuck;Bae, Eun-Ji
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.111 no.3
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    • pp.405-417
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study was to describe the photosynthetic features of Prunus maximowiczii and Prunus serrulate Lindl. var. pubescens (Makino) Nakai in response to drought stress. Specifically, we studied the effects of drought on photosynthetic ability and photosystem II activity. Drought stress (DS) was induced by cutting the water supply for 30 days. DS decreased the moisture contents in the soil, and between the 10th and 12th days of DS, both species had 10% or less of x., After the 15th day of DS, it was less than 5%, which is a condition for disease to start. We observed a remarkable decrease of maximum photosynthesis rate starting from 10th day of DS; the light compensation point was also remarkable. Dark respiration and net apparent quantum yield decreased significantly on the 15th day of DS, and then increased on the 20th day. In addition, the stomatal transpiration rate of P. maximowiczii decreased significantly on the15th day of DS, and then increased on the 20th day. Water use efficiency increased on the 15th day of DS, and then decreased on the 20th day. The stomatal transpiration rate of P. serrulate decreased significantly on the 20th day of DS, and then increased afterward, while its water use efficiency increased on the 20th day of DS, and then decreased afterward. These results indicate that the closure of stoma prevented water loss, resulting in a temporary increase of water use efficiency. Chlorophyll fluorescence analysis detected remarkable decreases in the functional index (PIABS) and energy transfer efficiency in P. maximowiczii after the 15th day of DS. Meanwhile, photosystem II activity decreased in P. serrulate after 20 days of DS. In addition, Ts-Ta, PIABS, DIO/RC, ETO/RC followed similar trends as those of the soil moisture content and photosynthetic properties, indicating that they can be used as useful variables in predicting DS in trees.

Estimation of Rice Canopy Height Using Terrestrial Laser Scanner (레이저 스캐너를 이용한 벼 군락 초장 추정)

  • Dongwon Kwon;Wan-Gyu Sang;Sungyul Chang;Woo-jin Im;Hyeok-jin Bak;Ji-hyeon Lee;Jung-Il Cho
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.387-397
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    • 2023
  • Plant height is a growth parameter that provides visible insights into the plant's growth status and has a high correlation with yield, so it is widely used in crop breeding and cultivation research. Investigation of the growth characteristics of crops such as plant height has generally been conducted directly by humans using a ruler, but with the recent development of sensing and image analysis technology, research is being attempted to digitally convert growth measurement technology to efficiently investigate crop growth. In this study, the canopy height of rice grown at various nitrogen fertilization levels was measured using a laser scanner capable of precise measurement over a wide range, and a comparative analysis was performed with the actual plant height. As a result of comparing the point cloud data collected with a laser scanner and the actual plant height, it was confirmed that the estimated plant height measured based on the average height of the top 1% points showed the highest correlation with the actual plant height (R2 = 0.93, RMSE = 2.73). Based on this, a linear regression equation was derived and used to convert the canopy height measured with a laser scanner to the actual plant height. The rice growth curve drawn by combining the actual and estimated plant height collected by various nitrogen fertilization conditions and growth period shows that the laser scanner-based canopy height measurement technology can be effectively utilized for assessing the plant height and growth of rice. In the future, 3D images derived from laser scanners are expected to be applicable to crop biomass estimation, plant shape analysis, etc., and can be used as a technology for digital conversion of conventional crop growth assessment methods.

Shading Effects on the Growth and Physiological Characteristics of Osmanthus insularis Seedlings, a Rare Species (희귀 식물 박달목서 유묘의 생장 및 생리적 특성에 대한 차광 효과)

  • Da-Eun Gu;Sim-Hee Han;Eun-Young Yim;Jin Kim;Ja-Jung Ku
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.113 no.1
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    • pp.88-96
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    • 2024
  • This study was conducted to determine the optimal light conditions for the in situ and ex situ conservation and restoration of Osmanthus insularis, a rare plant species in South Korea. Evaluations included the growth performance, leaf morphological features, photosynthetic characteristics, and photosynthetic pigment contents of seedlings grown from April to November under different light conditions (100%, 55%, 20%, and 10% relative light intensity). The shoot lengths and root collar diameters did not differ significantly with relative light intensity. The dry weights of leaves, stems, and roots and the leaf number were highest at 55% relative light intensity. The leaf shape showed morphological acclimation to light intensity, with leaf area decreasing and thickness increasing as the relative light intensity increased. Several leaf parameters, including photosynthetic rate and stomatal conductance at light saturation point, net apparent quantum yield, and dark respiration, as well as chlorophyll a, chlorophyll b, and carotenoid contents, were all highest at 55% relative light intensity. Under full light conditions, the leaves were the smallest and thickest, but the chlorophyll content was lower than at 55% relative light intensity, resulting in lower photosynthetic ability. Plants grown at 10% and 20% relative light intensity showed lower chlorophyll a, chlorophyll b, and carotenoid contents, as well as decreased photosynthetic and dark respiration rates. In conclusion, O. insularis seedlings exhibited morphological adaptations in response to light intensity; however, no physiological responses indicating enhanced photosynthetic efficiency in shade were evident. The most favorable light condition for vigorous photosynthesis and maximum biomass production in O. insularis seedlings appeared to be 55% relative light intensity. Therefore, shading to approximately 55% of full light is suggested for the growth of O. insularis seedlings.

Epidemiology and Control of Rice Blast in Korea (한국(韓國)에서의 도열병(病) 발생(發生), 만연(蔓延)과 그 방제(防除))

  • Park, Jong Seong
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.356-369
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    • 1985
  • In Korea, inevitable researches for the blast control exactly started from 1927 by the organization of Office of Rural Development with the local extensive outbreak of panicle blast at Jeonlla Buk-Do Province in 1926. At present, the rice blast is still one of the most destructive and widespread diseases in spite of considerable contributions by rice scientists, particularly plant pathologists during last 55 years in Korea. Rice blast control and management are very difficult because of the marked variability in pathogenicity of the blast fungus. From the results obtained through the disease surveys during last 70 years, different 3 prevalence type of blast such as bimodal leaf-blast type, bimodal panicle-blast type and bimodal continual blast type were recognized. In generally speaking, pattern of blast outbreak is said to be characterized by severe outbreak of panicle blast after slight outbreak of leaf blast with discontinuity between leaf and panicle blast. So we have to pay much attention for successful management of panicle blast giving direct influence to rice yield. Main factors induce blast epidemic were pointed out to be breakdown of the disease resistance, nutritional unbalance such as excess application of nitrogen, delay of transplantation and longspell of rain fall by extensive surveys and researches on blast during last 70 years in Korea. The fact some of Japonica varieties such as Kokuryomiyako, Tamanishiki, Ginbozu and Pungok belong to varietal group A had been cultivated with extensive acrage over 30 years in this country should be mentioned by Korean rice scientists. Differences in field resistance between varieties in the same group are detectable and apparently small but sometimes epidemiologically significant differential effects may be found out in case of blast. Much more attention should be payed to accumulate the knowledges on field resistance for successful management of blast. Excess application of nitrogen is more effective to outbreak of panicle blast than that of leaf blast of IR varieties. In comparatively low level application of nitrogen infection rate of panicle blast of IR varieties is considerably high. Low temperature effects on outbreak of blast is very great. It results in remarkable increase of the inoculum potential on the leaf lesions and infection of panicle blast in leaf sheathes of IR varieties during the booting stage. In economic point of view, it is concluded that 5 times sprays of effective fungicides including 3 times before and 2 times after heading is good enough to control blast. We have experienced no one of control measures for blast is superior to all others. The integrated control measures was established as guideline of blast control around 1950 in Korea. This guideline must be helpful for rice growers as long as rice growing continue.

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Studies on the ecological variations of rice plant under the different seasonal cultures -I. Variations of the various agronomic characteristics of rice plant under the different seasonal cultures- (재배시기 이동에 의한 수도의 생태변이에 관한 연구 -I. 재배시기 이동에 의한 수도의 실용제형질의 변이-)

  • Hyun-Ok Choi
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.3
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 1965
  • To measure variations in some of the important agronomic characteristics of rice varieties under shifting of seedling dates, this study has been carried out at the Paddy Crop Division of Crop Experiment Station(then Agricultural Experiment Station) in Suwon for the period of three years 1958 to 1960. The varieties used in this study were Kwansan, Suwon #82, Mojo, Paltal and Chokwang, which have the different agronomic characteristics such as earliness and plant type. Seeds of each variety were sown at 14 different dates in 10-day interval starting on March 2. The seedlings were grown on seed bed for 30, 40, 50, 60, 70 and 80 days, respectively. The results of this study are as follows: A. Heading dates. 1. As the seeding date was delayed, the heading dates was almost proportionally delayed. The degree of delay was higher in early varieties and lower in late varieties and the longer the seedling stage, the more delayed the heading date. 2. Number of days to heading was proportionally lessened as seeding was delayed in all the varieties but the magnitude varied depending upon variety. In other words, the required period for heading in case of late planting was much shortened in late variety compared with early one. Within a variety, the number of days to heading was less shortened as the seedling stage was prolonged. Early variety reached earlier than late variety to the marginal date for the maximum shortening of days to heading and the longer the seeding stage, the limitted date came earlier. There was a certain limit in seeding date for shortening of days to heading as seeding was delayed, and days to heading were rather prolonged due to cold weather when seeded later than that date. 3. In linear regression equation, Y=a+bx obtained from the seeding dates and the number of days to heading, the coefficient b(shortening rate of days to heading) was closely correlated with the average number of days to heading. That is, the period from seeding to heading was more shortened in late variety than early one as seeding was delayed. 4. To the extent that the seedling stage is not so long and there is a linear relationship between delay of seeding and shortening of days to heading, it might be possible to predict heading date of a rice variety to be sown any date by using the linear regression obtained from variation of heading dates under the various seeding dates of the same variety. 5. It was found out that there was a close correlation between the numbers of days to heading in ordinary culture and the other ones. When a rice variety was planted during the period from the late part of March to the middle of June and the seedling ages were within 30 to 50 days, it could be possible to estimate heading date of the variety under late or early culture with the related data of ordinary culture. B. Maturing date. 6. Within (he marginal date for maturation of rice variety, maturing date was proportionally delayed as heading was delayed. Of course, the degree of delay depended upon varieties and seedling ages. The average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period of rice variety was getting lower as the heading date. (X) was delayed. Though there was a difference among varieties, in general, a linear regression equation(y=25.53-0.182X) could be obtained as far as heading date were within August 1 to September 13. 7. Depending upon earliness of a rice variety, the average air temperature during the ripening period were greatly different. Early variety underwent under 28$^{\circ}C$ in maximum while late variety matured under as low as 22$^{\circ}C$. 8. There was a highly significant correlation between the average air temperature (X) during the ripening period, and number of day (Y) for the maturation. And the relationship could be expressed as y=82.30-1.55X. When the average air temperature during the period was within the range of 18$^{\circ}C$ to 28$^{\circ}C$, the ripening period was shortened by 1.55 days with increase of 1$^{\circ}C$. Considering varieties, Kwansan was the highest in shortening the maturing period by 2.24 days and Suwon #82 was the lowest showing 0.78 days. It is certain that ripening of rice variety is accelerated at Suwon as the average air temperature increases within the range of 18$^{\circ}C$ to 28$^{\circ}C$. 9. Between number of days to heading (X) related to seeding dates and the accumulated average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period, a positive correlation was obtained. However, there was a little difference in the accumulated average air temperature during the ripening period even seeding dates were shifted to a certain extent. C. Culm- and ear-lengths. 10. In general all the varieties didn't show much variation in their culm-lengths in case of relatively early seeding but they trended to decrease the lengths as seeding was delayed. The magnitude of decreasing varied from young seedlings to old ones. Young seedlings which were seeded during May 21 to June 10 didn't decrease their culm-lengths, while seedlings old as 80 days decreased the length though under ordinary culture. 11. Variation in ear-length of rice varieties show the same trend as the culm-length subjected to the different seeding dates. When rice seedlings aged from 30 to 40 days, the ear-length remained constant but rice plants older than 40 days obviously decreased their ear-lengths. D. Number of panicles per hill. 12. The number of panicles per hill decreased up to a certain dates as seeding was delayed and then again increased the panicles due to the development of numerous tillers at the upper internodes. The seeding date to reach to the least number of panicles of rice variety depended upon the seedling ages. Thirty- to 40-day seedlings which were seeded during May 31 to June 10 developed the lowest number of panicles and 70- to 80-day seedlings sown for the period from April 11 to April 21 reached already to the minimum number of panicles. E. Number of rachillae. 13. To a certain seeding date, the number of rachillae didn't show any variation due to delay of seeding but it decreased remarkably when seeded later than the marginal date. 14. Variation in number of rachillae depended upon seedling ages. For example, 30- to 40-day old seedlings which, were originally seeded after May 31 started to decrease the rachillae. On the other hand, 80-day old seedlings which, were seeded on May 1 showed a tendency to decrease rachillae and the rice plant sown on May 31 could develop narrowly 3 or 4 panicles. F. Defective grain and 1.000-grain weights. 15. Under delay of the seeding dates, weight of the defective grains gradually increased till a certain date and then suddenly increased. These relationships could be expressed with two different linear regressions. 16. If it was assumed that the marginal date for ripening was the cross point of these two lines, the date seemed. closely related with seedling ages. The date was June 10- in 30- to 40-day old seedlings but that of 70- to 80-day old seedlings was May 1. Accordingly, the marginal date for ripening was getting earlier as the seedling stage was prolonged. 17. The 1.000-grain weight in ordinary culture was the heaviest and it decreased in both early and late cultures. G. Straw and rough rice weights. 18. Regardless of earliness of variety, rice plants under early culture which were seeded before March 22 or April 1 did not show much variation in straw weight due to seedling ages but in ordinary culture it gradually decreased and the degree was became greater in late culture. 19. Relationship between seeding dates (X) and grain weight related to varieties and seedling ages, could be expressed as a parabola analogous to a line (Y=77.28-7.44X$_1$-1.00lX$_2$). That is, grain yield didn't vary in early culture but it started to decrease when seeded later than a certain date, as seeding was delayed. The variation was much greater in cases of late planting and prolongation of seedling age. 20. Generally speaking, the relationship between grain yield (Y) and number of days to heading (X) was described with linear regression. However, the early varieties were the highest yielders within the range of 60 to 110, days to heading but the late variety greatly decreased its yield since it grows normally only under late culture. The grain yield, on the whole, didn't increase as number of days to heading exceeded more than 140 days.

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Prediction of fertilizer demands up to the year of 2,000 from agronomic view points - Review and Discussion - (농경학적(農耕學的) 입장(立場)에서 본 서기(西紀) 2,000년(年)까지의 비료수요(肥料需要) 전망(展望) - 종합고찰(綜合考察) -)

  • Hong, Chong-Woon;Shin, Yong-Hwa
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.9 no.3
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    • pp.211-220
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    • 1976
  • The objective of this paper is to summarize and disicuss the results of studies for the prediction of fertilizer demands up to the year of 2000, from the agromic biew points. 1. The approximated demands of fertilizers figured out from the view point of nutrient requirement and fertilizer efficiency of major crops are 1,162,000M/T (N;554,100 M/T, $P_2O_5$; 360,100 M/T and $K_2O$, 247,000 M/T) at 1980, 1,471,400 M/T (N: 694,800 M/T, $P_2O_5$;465,400M/T and $K_2O$ ;311,200 M/T) at 1990 and 1,764,00 M/T (N;812,500 M/T, $P_2O_5$; 592,300 M/T and $K_2O$;359,200 M/T) at 2000${\cdots}{\cdots}$ (Approximation I) 2. Upon the basis of approximation on the yield levels of major crops per unit area and on the expansion of arable land, the demands of fertilizers at the years of 1980, 1990 and 2000 are predicted as 1,149,300 M/T (N;603,700 M/T $P_2O_5$; 305,500 M/T and $K_2O$, 240,100 M/T) 1,551,100 M/T(N:814,700M/T, $P_2O_5$;412,300 M/T and $K_2O$;324,00 M/T) and 2,253,800 M/T (N;1,183,800M/T, $P_2O_5$; 586,400M/T and $K_2O$, 470,900 M/T), respectively${\cdots}{\cdots}$(Approximation II) 3. When the recent relationships between the increases in yeid of major crops and the amounts of fertilizers for those crops per unit area are brought into consideration for the estimation of future demands of fertilizers, the predicted demands at the years of 1980, 1990 and 2000 are 1,287.600 M/T (N;677,100 M/T, $P_2O_5$; 342,000 M/T, and $K_2O$;268,500 M/T), 2,085,600M/T (N;1,096,700 M/T, $P_2O_5$;533,900 M/T, and $K_2O$;435,000 M/T and 3,380,600 M/T (N;1,777,800M/T, $P_2O_5$;897,800M/T and $K_2O$;705,000M/T) respectively (Approximation III) 4. Approximation I will be closer estimate under such condition that only rice will maintain self suficiency and other food crops will be covered by domestic production by around 50 percent, which is not desirable situation. 5. When higher self suficiency leveles of major food crops are sought through the introduction of improved varieties and expansion of cropping area and arable land by increased land utilization and reclamation of hillside land and tidal land, the Approximations II and III will become close to reality, If improved fertilizers and improved method of fertilizer applications are widely applied at the farmers fields to increase the fertilizer efficiency the former will be closer figure, if not, the latter may be better estimates.

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A Study on Development of New Products by Old Chicken Meat (노폐계(老廢鷄)를 이용(利用)한 육제품(肉製品) 개발(開發)에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Han, Sung Wook;Lee, Kyu Seung;Chang, Kyu Sup;Jeon, Chang Kie
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.7 no.2
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    • pp.87-102
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    • 1980
  • In order to investigate the utilization probability of two years old laying hen for W.L. and R.I.R. breeds, carcass weight and percentage were examined and dried old chicken meat products were manufactured for experiments. The results obtained are as follows. 1. Average living body weight were 1,635.40g for the W.L. breeds and 2,289.29g for the R.I.R. breeds and percentage carcass and lean meat for the W.L. were 58.73% and 43.95%, for the R.I.R. 60.34%, 41.98%, respectively. 2. In constitution percentage of carcass on different parts for W.L. and R.I.R. breeds, head were 4.13% and 3.94%, wing 9.97% and 8.62%, breast 32.54% and 20.94%, back 11.35% and 9.75%, thigh 30.75% and 31.34%, hypordermic fat 11.37% and 17.34%, respectively. 3. In constitution percentage of lean meat on different parts for W.L. and R.I.R. breeds, head were 4.03% and 3.95%, wing 9.47% and 9.79%, breast 39.37% and 38.14%, back 11.24% and 9.40%, thigh 36.16% and 38.74%, respectively. 4. In chemical composition of old chicken meat for W.L. breed, moisture was 68.18%, crude protein 22.80%, crude fat 2.70%, extract 5.15% and crude ash 1.18% and for R.I.R. breed, moisture was 68.04%, crude protein 22.18%, crude fat 3.13%, extract 5.45% and crude ash 1.21%. 5. Weight loss in steaming for W.L. at $121^{\circ}C$ for 30min., 60min., and 90min. were 54.91, 56.43 and 58.42%, respectively, and for R.I.R. were 45.23, 47.68 and 49.68%, respectively. 6. The yield of old chicken meat product per a hen were 253.01g for W.L. and 368.64g for R.I.R., the ratio for fresh meat weight and for carcass weight were 35.47% and 26.34% for W.L. breed and 38.25 and 26.83% for R.I.R. breed. 7. In chemical composition of old chicken meat product for W.L., moisture was 16.69%, crude protein 66.16%, crude fat 12.81%, crude ash 4.35%, and R.I.R., moisture 16.11%, crude protein 65.95%, crude fat 13.78% and crude ash 4.57%. 8. To investigate the physical properties which was main factor affecting the product quality, tensile strength, tear strength and elongation rate were measured. The adhesive force of the product made under pressure of $70kg/cm^2$ was similar to those of chipo which was the control product. 9. When measured the color of each protein product, lightness of the product pressed at $70kg/cm^2$ was better than that at $35kg/cm^2$, and the lightness of breast muscle product at $70kg/cm^2$ and chipo was not significant as 16.7% and 16.4%, respectively. Dominant wavelength of product pressed at $70kg/cm^2$ was very similar to chipo which was yellowish orange. 10. In the results of sensory evaluation test containing taste, color, chewing texture and oder of the meat product, when index of chipo as control product was 100, index of breast meat product was higher than that as 118.4, but miscellaneous product was 99.7 and thigh product was 96.2. 11. Summing up the results written above, the meat product utilizing two years old laying hen was compared favorably with its similar food such as chipo on the point of nutrition and physical properties as high protein food, therefore, it was thought that industrialization must be highly appropriate.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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