• 제목/요약/키워드: Xin-chuan

검색결과 29건 처리시간 0.029초

Taxol Produced from Endophytic Fungi Induces Apoptosis in Human Breast, Cervical and Ovarian Cancer Cells

  • Wang, Xin;Wang, Chao;Sun, Yu-Ting;Sun, Chuan-Zhen;Zhang, Yue;Wang, Xiao-Hua;Zhao, Kai
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
    • /
    • 제16권1호
    • /
    • pp.125-131
    • /
    • 2015
  • Currently, taxol is mainly extracted from the bark of yews; however, this method can not meet its increasing demand on the market because yews grow very slowly and are a rare and endangered species belonging to first-level conservation plants. Recently, increasing efforts have been made to develop alternative means of taxol production; microbe fermentation would be a very promising method to increase the production scale of taxol. To determine the activities of the taxol extracted from endophytic fungus N. sylviforme HDFS4-26 in inhibiting the growth and causing the apoptosis of cancer cells, on comparison with the taxol extracted from the bark of yew, we used cellular morphology, cell counting kit (CCK-8) assay, staining (HO33258/PI and Giemsa), DNA agarose gel electrophoresis and flow cytometry (FCM) analyses to determine the apoptosis status of breast cancer MCF-7 cells, cervical cancer HeLa cells and ovarian cancer HO8910 cells. Our results showed that the fungal taxol inhibited the growth of MCF-7, HeLa and HO8910 cells in a dose-and time-dependent manner. IC50 values of fungal taxol for HeLa, MCF-7 and HO8910 cells were $0.1-1.0{\mu}g/ml$, $0.001-0.01{\mu}g/ml$ and $0.01-0.1{\mu}g/ml$, respectively. The fungal taxol induced these tumor cells to undergo apoptosis with typical apoptotic characteristics, including morphological changes for chromatin condensation, chromatin crescent formation, nucleus fragmentation, apoptotic body formation and G2/M cell cycle arrest. The fungal taxol at the $0.01-1.0{\mu}g/ml$ had significant effects of inducing apoptosis between 24-48 h, which was the same as that of taxol extracted from yews. This study offers important information and a new resource for the production of an important anticancer drug by endofungus fermentation.

Appropriate nitrogen application enhances saponin synthesis and growth mediated by optimizing root nutrient uptake ability

  • Wei, Wei;Ye, Chen;Huang, Hui-Chuan;Yang, Min;Mei, Xin-Yue;Du, Fei;He, Xia-Hong;Zhu, Shu-Sheng;Liu, Yi-Xiang
    • Journal of Ginseng Research
    • /
    • 제44권4호
    • /
    • pp.627-636
    • /
    • 2020
  • Background: Cultivation of medicinal crops, which synthesize hundreds of substances for curative functions, was focused on the synthesis of secondary metabolites rather than biomass accumulation. Nutrition is an important restrict factor for plant growth and secondary metabolites, but little attention has been given to the plasticity of nutrient uptake and secondary metabolites synthesis response to soil nitrogen (N) change. Methods: Two year-field experiments of Sanqi (Panax notoginseng), which can synthesize a high level of saponin in cells, were conducted to study the effects of N application on the temporal dynamics of biomass, nutrient absorption, root architecture and the relationships between these parameters and saponin synthesis. Results: Increasing N fertilizer rates could improve the dry matter yields and nutrient absorption ability through increasing the maximum daily growth (or nutrient uptake) rate. Under suitable N level (225 kg/ha N), Sanqi restricted the root length and surface and enhanced the root diameter and N uptake rate per root length (NURI) to promote nutrient absorption, but the opposite status of Sanqi root architecture and NURI was found when soil N was deficient. Furthermore, increasing N rates could promote the accumulation of saponin in roots through improving the NURI, which showed a significant positive relationship with the content of saponin in the taproots. Conclusion: Appropriate N fertilizer rates could optimize both root architecture and nutrient uptake efficiency, then promote both the accumulation of dry matter and the synthesis of saponins.

상해박초간(上海博楚簡) 『주역(周易)』의 부호와 그 의미 (A study on the special signs In Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi)

  • 원용준
    • 한국철학논집
    • /
    • 제30호
    • /
    • pp.161-190
    • /
    • 2010
  • 상해박초간 "주역"에는 지금까지의 "주역" 텍스트에서는 찾아볼 수 없었던 적색과 흑색의 특수부호가 존재한다. 상해박초간 주역을 처음 정리한 복모좌(?茅左)는 이 부호를 " ▧, ?, ■,?,?, ⊏"의 6종류로 나누고 음양사상을 도입하여 설명한다. 이상신(李尙信)은 이 부호를 7종으로 나눈 후 이 부호를 통해 상해박초간 "주역"의 괘서(卦序)는 현행본 "주역"의 괘서와 완전히 일치하며 역시 음양사상을 담고 있다고 한다. 하함이(夏含夷)(Edward L. Shaughnessy)는 죽간의 물질적 상태를 분석하여 상해박초간 "주역"의 괘서와 현행본 "주역"의 괘서는 동일할 것이라고 추측한다. 근등호지(近藤浩之)(Kondo Hiroyuki)는 부호를 9종류로 나누어서 상해박초간의 괘서를 도출한 후, 상해박초간본의 괘서는 괘획 단위로 고안되었기 때문에 6효(爻)로 이루어지는 대성괘(大成卦)를 문제로 삼고 있고, 3효(爻)로 이루어지는 소성괘(小成卦)의 조합법은 고려되고 있지 않다고 한다. 이와 같은 여러 견해에는 모두 장단점이 있지만 아래의 두 가지 점은 공통된다. 첫째로 상해박초간 "주역"의 괘의 배열은 현행본과 매우 유사하다는 점. 둘째로 형식대립적 상반괘는 같은 부호를 사용한다는 점이다. 이 두 점으로부터 상해박초간 "주역"이 8괘 시스템을 기초로 만들어지지 않았다는 것을 추론해 낼 수 있다. 상해박초간 "주역"의 부호 체계는 8괘(卦) 시스템이 아닌 64괘(卦)(64 trigrams) 시스템을 상정할 때 가능한데 이는 일반적으로 인정받는 통설, 즉 8괘가 64괘보다 먼저 이루어졌다는 것에 대해 재검토를 요구한다. 출토자료와 문헌자료를 통해 8괘와 64괘의 성립 관계를 살펴보면 8괘 체계의 "주역"이 선행하여 존재하였고, 후에 64괘 체계의 "주역"이 등장하였다고 보기 힘들며 "주역"은 아마도 성립초기부터 64괘 체계였으리라고 생각된다.

Appropriate Soil Heat Treatment Promotes Growth and Disease Suppression of Panax notoginseng by Interfering with the Bacterial Community

  • Li, Ying-Bin;Zhang, Zhi-Ping;Yuan, Ye;Huang, Hui-Chuan;Mei, Xin-Yue;Du, Fen;Yang, Min;Liu, Yi-Xiang;Zhu, Shu-Sheng
    • Journal of Microbiology and Biotechnology
    • /
    • 제32권3호
    • /
    • pp.294-301
    • /
    • 2022
  • In our greenhouse experiment, soil heat treatment groups (50, 80, and 121℃) significantly promoted growth and disease suppression of Panax notoginseng in consecutively cultivated soil (CCS) samples (p < 0.01), and 80℃ worked better than 50℃ and 121℃ (p < 0.01). Furthermore, we found that heat treatment at 80℃ changes the microbial diversity in CCS, and the inhibition ratios of culturable microorganisms, such as fungi and actinomycetes, were nearly 100%. However, the heat-tolerant bacterial community was preserved. The 16S rRNA gene and internal transcribed spacer (ITS) sequencing analyses indicated that the soil heat treatment had a greater effect on the Chao1 index and Shannon's diversity index of bacteria than fungi, and the relative abundances of Firmicutes and Proteobacteria were significantly higher than without heating (80 and 121℃, p < 0.05). Soil probiotic bacteria, such as Bacillus (67%), Sporosarcina (9%), Paenibacillus (6%), Paenisporosarcina (6%), and Cohnella (4%), remained in the soil after the 80℃ and 121℃ heat treatments. Although steam increased the relative abundances of most of the heat-tolerant microbes before sowing, richness and diversity gradually recovered to the level of CCS, regardless of fungi or bacteria, after replanting. Thus, we added heat-tolerant microbes (such as Bacillus) after steaming, which reduced the relative abundance of pathogens, recruited antagonistic bacteria, and provided a long-term protective effect compared to the steaming and Bacillus alone (p < 0.05). Taken together, the current study provides novel insight into sustainable agriculture in a consecutively cultivated system.

Association between Dietary Factors and Breast Cancer Risk among Chinese Females: Systematic Review and Meta-analysis

  • Liu, Xue-Ou;Huang, Yu-Bei;Gao, Ying;Chen, Chuan;Yan, Ye;Dai, Hong-Ji;Song, Feng-Ju;Wang, Yao-Gang;Wang, Pei-Shan;Chen, Ke-Xin
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
    • /
    • 제15권3호
    • /
    • pp.1291-1298
    • /
    • 2014
  • Background: Evidence for associations between dietary factors and breast cancer risk is inconclusive among Chinese females. To evaluate this question, we conducted a systematic review of relevant case-control and cohort studies. Methods: Studies were systematically searched among 5 English databases (PudMed, ScienceDirect, Wiley, Clinicaltrials.gov, and Cochrane) and 3 Chinese databases (CNKI, WanFang, and VIP) until November 2012. Random effects models were used to estimate summary odds ratios (ORs) and the corresponding 95% confidence intervals (CIs). Results: Thirty one case-control studies and two cohort studies involving 9,299 cases and 11,413 controls were included. Consumption of both soy and fruit was significantly associated with decreased risk of breast cancer, with summary ORs of 0.65 (95% CIs: 0.43-0.99; I2=88.9%, P<0.001; N=13) and 0.66 (95% CIs: 0.47-0.91; $I^2$=76.7%, P<0.001; N=7), respectively. Consumption of fat was significantly associated with increased risk of breast cancer (OR=1.36; 95% CIs: 1.13-1.63; $I^2$=47.9%, P=0.088; N=6). There was nonsignificant association between consumption of vegetables and breast cancer risk (OR=0.72; 95% CIs: 0.51-1.02; $I^2$= 74.4%, P<0.001; N=9). However, sensitivity analysis based on adjusted ORs showed decreased risk of breast cancer was also associated with consumption of vegetables (OR=0.49; 95% CIs: 0.30-0.67). Conclusion: Both soy food and fruit are significantly associated with decreased risk of breast cancer among Chinese females, and vegetables also seems to be protective while dietary fatexerts a promoting influence.

Tea Consumption, Alcohol Drinking and Physical Activity Associations with Breast Cancer Risk among Chinese Females: a Systematic Review and Meta-analysis

  • Gao, Ying;Huang, Yu-Bei;Liu, Xue-Ou;Chen, Chuan;Dai, Hong-Ji;Song, Feng-Ju;Wang, Jing;Chen, Ke-Xin;Wang, Yao-Gang
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
    • /
    • 제14권12호
    • /
    • pp.7543-7550
    • /
    • 2013
  • Objective: To evaluate associations between tea consumption, alcohol drinking and physical activity and breast cancer risk among Chinese females. Methods: Three English databases (PubMed, ScienceDirect and Wiley) and three Chinese databases (CNKI, WanFang and VIP) were independently searched by 2 reviewers up to December 2012, complemented by manual searches. The quality of included studies was assessed with the Newcastle-Ottawa Scale items. Random-effects models were used to estimate the pooled odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs). Potential publication bias was estimated through Egger's and Begg's tests. Heterogeneity between studies was evaluated with $I^2$ statistics. Results: Thirty-nine studies involving 13,204 breast cancer cases and 87,248 controls were identified. Compared with non-drinkers, regular tea drinkers had decreased risk (OR=0.79, 95%CIs: 0.65-0.95; $I^2$=84.9%; N=16). An inverse association was also found between regular physical activity and breast cancer risk (OR=0.73, 95%CIs: 0.63-0.85; $I^2$=77.3%; N=15). However, there was no significant association between alcohol drinking and breast cancer risk (OR=0.85, 95%CIs: 0.72-1.02; $I^2$=63.8%; N=26). Most of the results from the subgroup analysis were consistent with the main results. Conclusion: Tea consumption and physical activity are significantly associated with a decreased risk of breast cancer in Chinese females. However, alcohol drinking may not be associated with any elevation of risk.

Analysis of Cancer Incidence in Zhejiang Cancer Registry in China during 2000 to 2009

  • Du, Ling-Bin;Li, Hui-Zhang;Wang, Xiang-Hui;Zhu, Chen;Liu, Qing-Min;Li, Qi-Long;Li, Xue-Qin;Shen, Yong-Zhou;Zhang, Xin-Pei;Ying, Jiang-Wei;Yu, Chuan-Ding;Mao, Wei-Min
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
    • /
    • 제15권14호
    • /
    • pp.5839-5843
    • /
    • 2014
  • Objective: The Zhejiang Provincial Cancer Prevention and Control Office collected cancer registration data during 2000 to 2009 from 6 cancer registries in Zhejiang province of China in order to analyze the cancer incidence. Methods: Descriptive analysis included cancer incidence stratified by sex, age and cancer site group. The proportions and cumulative rates of 10 common cancers in different groups were also calculated. Chinese population census in 1982 and Segi's population were used for calculating age-standardized incidence rates. The log-linear model was used for fitting to calculate the incidence trends. Results: The 6 cancer registries in Zhejiang province in China covered a total of 60,087,888 person-years during 2000 to 2009 (males 30,445,904, females 29,641,984). The total number of new cancer cases were 163,104 (males 92,982, females 70,122). The morphology verified cases accounted for 69.7%, and the new cases verified only by information from death certification accounted for 1.23%. The crude incidence rate in Zhejiang cancer registration areas was $271.5/10^5$ during 2000 to 2009 (male $305.41/10^5$, female $236.58/10^5$), age-standardized incidence rates by Chinese standard population (ASIRC) and by world standard population (ASIRW) were $147.1/10^5$ and $188.2/10^5$, the cumulative incidence rate (aged from 0 to 74) being 21.7%. The crude incidence rate was $209.6/10^5$ in 2000, and it increased to $320.20/10^5$ in 2009 (52.8%), with an annual percent change (APC) of 4.51% (95% confidence interval, 3.25%-5.79%). Age-specific incidence rate of 80-84 age group was achieved at the highest point of the incidence curve. Overall with different age groups, the cancer incidences differed, the incidence of liver cancer being highest in 15-44 age group in males; the incidence of breast cancer was the highest in 15-64 age group in females; the incidences of lung cancer were the highest in both males and females over the age of 65 years. Conclusions: Lung cancer, digestive system malignancies and breast cancer are the most common cancers in Zhejiang province in China requiring an especial focus. The incidences of thyroid cancer, prostate cancer, cervical cancer and lymphoma have increased rapidly. Prevention and control measures should be implemented for these cancers.

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
    • /
    • 제20권4호
    • /
    • pp.211-250
    • /
    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

  • PDF

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
    • /
    • 제10권
    • /
    • pp.1-40
    • /
    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

  • PDF