• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2002

Using detailed data of women's work history, this study analyses the transition process between employment and non-employment over the life history in order to identity individual and structural determinants in the processes. Korean women comprise very heterogeneous groups in terms of work continuity: one group having a continuous work history and another having an interrupted work experience. While 4.0% of total women have stayed in the labor market since leaving school, 17.3% have not worked outside at all and remaining 87.9% have experienced into and out of the labor market at least once. On the average, the cumulated time of employment per woman is 8.2 years and the cumulated time of unemployment is 13.1 years. Thus Korean women work a total of only 38.5% of their whole lifetime after leaving school. We can conclude that the increase of the employment rate of married women in Korea since the 1970s has been due to the increase of the new entrants with short or little working careers into the labor market, not to the increase of women's work continuity on the whole. A women's educational achievement does not seem to be positively related to employment duration, contrary to the suggestion of the human capital theory, Rather, family variables, especially the existence of the child under 6 yens old, is a more significant determining factor for an individual's exit from employment. And there is little difference among different age cohorts which implies little improvement in the employment continuity of younger women. This study also documents the importance of structural variables, such as the type of occupation, as significant determining factors for the hazard rate. Specially women with professional jobs tend to stay longer in the labor market. Therefore, women's entry into more professional occupations is expected to contribute to the continuity of employment. Our results also show that duration-dependence is not spurious. When unobserved heterogeneity is controlled, the negative relation between the rate from employment and the duration of employment does not disappear.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.224-238
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• 2019

In commemoration of the 1,100th anniversary of the foundation of the Goryeo Dynasty, the National Museum of Korea and the National Institute of Korean History are working together on a project to reveal memorial inscriptions(墓誌銘) in the Goryeo Dynasty. So far, It founded that four newly identified memorial inscriptions of Goryeo Dynasty. Among them, I would like to introduce two memorial inscriptions in overseas and a memory inscription that was first identified as being housed in the National Museum of Korea. Kim Yong Sik's memorial inscription is currently housed at the Smithsonian Museum's FreerSackler Gallery in the U.S.A.. Kim Yong Sik(金龍軾, 1129~1197) is a bureaucrat in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. He came from a family of influential people in the Andong province. In Goryeo times, provincial figures have been able to make inroads into central politics through the bureaucratic select examination(科擧). Kim's family came from the capital of Goryeo in that way. However, Kim did not rise very high. This inscription is meaningful in that it shows this ordinary middle class's life to study Goryeo history further. Sangdanghyeongoon(上黨縣君) Gwak Ssi's memorial inscription is currently housed at the Kyoto university museum in the Japan. Sangdanghyeongoon Gwak Ssi(郭氏(Mrs. Gwak), ?~1149?) is a bureaucrat class woman in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. There is not much information about her. But the method of marking the location of the her tomb is unique. Her tomb is located at the northern foot of the temple, Baekhaksa(白鶴寺, White Crane's temple). That marking method is sometimes confirmed in Goryeo period's historical text. This inscription is significant in that it shows practical example of that methods. Min Su's memorial inscription is missing after Japanese occupation time, but confirmed that currently housed in the National Museum of Korea. Min Su(閔脩, 1067~1122) is a bureaucrat in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. Although his track record is partly recorded in Goryeosa(高麗史, Historia of Goryeo Dynasty), the discovery of this inscription has made new research possible. I hope that more and more memory inscription of Goryeo will emerge from somewhere and contribute greatly to the study of Goryeo history.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.123-160
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• 2020

Manga develops by reflecting a change of society, reader's needs, and their thoughts and changes of tastes, sensitively. Shojo manga and Jyosei manga also do. We can find several kinds of meaningful changes in Japanese Jyosei manga in the 2010s. The works which represent preciousness of daily life, women's narrative and self-realization are gradually increasing. In addition, the works that deal with very touchy issues such as sex discrimination at work, sexual harassment begin to emerge. It has never been found in the manga of the former era. While this paper analyzes the social and cultural causes of these changes of the works that exclude romance and treat gender issues focusing on recent works, it examines changes of Japanese Jyosei manga in the 2010s and their meanings. I investigate the current trends of Japanese Jyosei manga in the 2010s through Umimachi Diary that represents a precious everyday life with woman-centered narrative, Metamorphose no engawa that deals with women's story from a new perspective, Good-bye My Miniskirt that tackles gender issues. Furthermore I intensively analyze how Nagi's Long Vacation and Darucyan, which win popularity from women in their 20s~30, represent lives and troubles of contemporary Japanese women. Nagi's Long Vacation represents the heroine's quest for a self throwing everything out. While Darucyan deals with self-realization, it forms of a bond of sympathy of readers by representing the heroine who suffers sexual harassment and inequal conditions very realistically. Nagi's Long Vacation and Darucyan have something in common with portraying troubles and self-realization of the working women in their 20s based on a indigenous reality to Japanese society very realistically. However they are unusual in that it is different from the manga of the former era in dealing with heroine's troubles and their solutions. The most distinctive changes of Jyosei manga since 2010 are that real issues surfaced with social changes. In addition, these social contradictions result from irrational discriminations and old customs of Japanese society for a long time. Manga reflects subtly the portraits of the times, their images of women, and their values. These changes of Jyosei manga also show the concerns of readers at that time, and it means that women began to be aware of the issues.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.55-86
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• 2021

The initial situation in our tale shows that the earth-mother-feminine principle disappeared from the center of the collective consciousness into the collective unconscious. Therefore the heaven-father-masculine principle is dominant, which is represented by the king. And in the king's daughter, who is living without mother, the positive father complex is working. She stays in the heaven-spirit world playing with the golden ball, which can be seen as the state of inflation. She is disconnected from the earth-mother-feminine principle, which is important for a woman to find her genuine feminine identity. This demanded principle approaches her through the frog, a bewitched prince. Psychologically it means that a man is under the power of the negative mother complex. The disgusting, ugly frog is a symbol for the shadow, the earthly animal instincts of the princess. Only with his help she can find her golden ball again, which has fallen into the deep well. Their talk about the rewards to him for his help shows us very well the opposites. The frog wants the feminine value such as relation, earthly eros, but the princess offers the masculine value such as heavenly logos. After the frog brought her the lost ball, i.e. she regained her libido, she completely forgot her promise. Like this the content, which is becoming conscious, here the shadow, is easy to fall back into the unconscious and to be repressed. The frog cannot be with the princess without the help of the king, a father figure, a firm protector of the collective oder. At first unwillingly the princess obeys Logos of her father. But her authentic instinctual urge grows stronger and it causes that her ego is released from the power of her father complex. At just this moment the frog turns into a prince, i.e. he is liberated from the mother complex. The marriage of princess and frog-prince symbolize the unification of the opposites: heaven becomes earthly and earth becomes heavenly. Three iron bands, wrapped around the heart of Heinrich, a young king's servant, are snapped, while he brings the prince and princess back to his kingdom. The heart, the place of earth-mother-feminine consciousness, is now liberated. This principle, which disappeared into the unconscious, emerged into the collective consciousness and the wholeness is recovered. The Self is now leading the collective consciousness, which includes not only the principle of Logos but also Eros.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.1 no.3
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• pp.183-196
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• 1986

This study was designed to be link in the chain of the investigation on daily life and consciousness of longevous people in Korea, and to investigate the social life and daily life habit in the past of longevous people. The social life and daily life habit were surveyed on 379 subjects (male 121, female 258) of the aged who were above 80 years of age, from June to November in 1985. 1. 'Generally regular' in the rising time and bedtime between 40 and 60 years of longevous people had the highest figures of 81.8% and 63.1%, respectively. The longevous peoples of 59.4% got up by before 6 a.m., and 61.3% of these aged went to bed from 9 to 11 p.m. But there was no significant difference between male and female. 2. Of the occupation engaged in the longest term of longevous people, the self-management (86.3%) included farming, fishing and household affairs was the highest, whereas administrative position, small-scale management and white-collar worker were only 0.8%, 0.8% and 1.8%, respectively. Therefore, their work involved mainly physical labor (heavy 48.5%, light 47.2%), and mental work was only 2.8% of longevous people. It is believed that this fact was deeply related to the educational degree of them. 3. The longevous people of 58.3% retired from the occupation and household affairs abover 70 years of age, and especially 24.3% of them is including the aged above 80 years of age. 4. The longevous people of 57.2% were shared the role in the home after retirement from the occupation and household affairs, whereas 35.9% of them didn't share. Of the way in killing time in case having no role in the home, 'at home'(50.0%) was the highest, and decreased in the order of 'old people's home' (30.9%), 'ill in bed' (10.3%) and 'asylum for the aged' (8.8%). 5. The acquaintance frequency before retirement from the occupation and household affairs of longevous people showed in the order of 'wide' (38.5%), 'common' (38.0%) and 'narrow' (19.0%), and 56.5% of them had the acquaintance after retirement. 6. Only the longevous people of 38.5% had the hobby and recreation activities of 'more than once' after retirement from the occupation and household affairs, but 53.0% of them was none. Of the kinds of hobby and/or recreation, 'TV-watching' (79.2%) was the highest, and decreased in the order of 'talking with grandchild' (54.2 %), 'working at home' (35.4%), 'religion' (25.0%) and 'chess etc.' (18.1%).