• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.1-38
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• 1972

우리나라는 근래(近來) 고도경제성장(高度經濟成長)으로 인(因)하여 목재수요(木材需要)가 급증(急增)하고 있으나 국내생산재(國內生産材)가 공급율(供給率)은 수요량(需要量)의 20% 정도(程度)에 지나지 않아 많은 외재(外在)를 도입(導入)하고 있으므로 장래(將來)의 목재(木材) 수요공급(需要供給)의 균형(均衡)을 이룩하기 위하여 강력(强力)한 산림자원(山林資源) 조성사업(造成事業)의 추진(推進)이 요망(要望)된다. 산림자원(山林資源) 조성사업(造成事業)을 추진(推進)하는데 있어서 가장 중요(重要)한 것은 조림의욕(造林意慾)을 높이고 조림사업(造林事業)에 필요(必要)한 산업자본(産業資本)을 산림(山林)에 유치(誘致)하도록 하는 일인데, 이러한 역할(役割)을 할 수 있는 경제적시설(經濟的施設)의 하나가 산림보험제도(山林保險制度)의 실시(實施)인 것이다. 산림보험(山林保險)을 실시(實施)하면 산림재해(山林災害)가 보상(補償)되므로 자본가(資本家)는 안심(安心)하고 조림투자(造林投資)를 할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 산림(山林)을 담보(擔保)로 한 금융(金融)의 길도 열리어 투자(投資)한 산림(山林)에 환금성(換金性)이 주어지므로 산업자본가(産業資本家)가 산림투자(山林投資)를 회피(回避)하지 않게 되어 산림자원(山林資源) 조성사업(造成事業)이 촉진(促進)될 수 있다. 이러한 관점(觀點)에서 외국(外國)에서는 19세기말(世紀末)부터 산림보험제도(山林保險制度)가 실시(實施)되기 시작(始作)하여 주요(主要) 임업선진국(林業先進國)에서는 모두 산림보험(山林保險)을 실시(實施)하고 있는 것이다. 산림보험(山林保險)을 실시(實施)하는데 있어서 가장 중요(重要)한 것은 장기간(長期間)에 걸친 산림재해(山林災害)의 통계자료(統計資料)를 정확(正確)히 조사(調査)하는 일과 그 나라의 여건(與件)에 맞는 산림보험제도(山林保險制度)를 창설(創設)하는 일이다. 과거(過去) 10년간(年間)(1961~1970)의 년평균(年平均) 산림재해상황(山林災害狀況)을 조사(調査)한 결과(結果)는 산림화재(山林火災)가 9,000여정보(餘町步), 곤충피해(昆蟲被害)가 570,000정보(町步), 병균피해(病菌被害)가 694정보(町步)로 나타났다. 특(特)히 그중 외국(外國)의 산림보험(山林保險)에서 재해보상(災害補償) 대상(對象)의 으뜸이 되고 있는 산림화재(山林火災) 피해상황(被害狀況)을 과거(過去) 18년간(年間)(1953~1970)에 걸쳐서 조사(調査)한 결과(結果)에 의하면 산화면적(山火面積) 위험율(危險率)이 $\frac{1.1853}{1,000}$였고 1960~1969년(年) 사이의 전국(全國) 산림화재면적(山林火災面積) 위험율(危險率)은 $\frac{1.3045}{1,000}$로서 유우럽에 비(比)하여 높았으나 일본(日本)에 비(比)하여 그리 높지 않았다. 또 과거(過去) 5년간(年間)(1966~1970)의 전국(全國)의 산화재적(山火材積) 위험율(危險率)은 $\frac{0.1991}{1,000}$로서 대단(大端)히 낮은데 이것은 우리나라 산림(山林)의 축적(蓄積)이 빈약(貧弱)한데서 온 결과(結果)였다. 이러한 산림재해상황(山林災害狀況)에 비추어 우리나라에서 산림보험(山林保險)을 실시(實施)하려면 어떠한 내용(內容)의 산림보험제도(山林保險制度)를 설립(設立)하는 것이 좋겠는가 하는 질문조사(質問調査)의 결과(結果)는 다음과 같았다. 1. 산림보험(山林保險)의 필요성(必要性) 산림보험(山林保險)은 산림담보(山林擔保)에 의(依)한 금융(金融)의 길을 열어주고(5.65%), 산림피해(山林被害)를 당(當)하였을 때 재조림비(再造林費)를 확보(確保)하게 하여(35.87%), 조림투자(造林投資)를 보증(保證)하는 수단(手段)(46.74%)으로 반드시 실시(實施)되어야 한다고 응답(應答)하였다. 2. 산림보험법(山林保險法) 산림(山林)의 특수성(特殊性)에 비추어 일반(一般) 손해보험(損害保險) 규정(規程)을 준용(準用)할 것이 아니라(8.35%), 산림보험(山林保險)을 위한 특별볍(特別法)을 제정(制定)하여야 한다고 응답(應答)하였다(88.26%). 3. 보험경영업체(保險經營業體)의 종류(種類) 일반(一般) 보험회사(保險會社)(17.42%)나 산림소유자(山林所有者) 상호조합(相互組合)(23.53%)에서 산림보험(山林保險)을 취급(取扱)할 수도 있겠으나, 산림보험(山林保險)의 특이성(特異性)에 비추어 국(國) 공영산림보험(公營山林保險)의 별도(別途)로 운영(運營)되어야 한다고 반응(反應)하였다(56.18%). 4. 보험사고(保險事故)의 종류(種類) 산림보험(山林保險) 사고(事故)를 산화(山火)에 국한(局限)시키거나(23.38%), 산화(山火) 및 기상해(氣象害)만을 포함(包含)시키면 된다는 의견(意見)도 있으나(14.32%), 산림보험(山林保險) 사고(事故)에 산화(山火), 기상해(氣象害), 병충해(病蟲害)까지 포함(包含)시켜야 한다는 의견(意見)이 가장 많았다(60.68%). 5. 보험사고(保險事故) 취급대상(取扱對象)의 종류(種類) 산림보험(山林보험) 취급대상(取扱對象) 수종(樹種)은 침엽수(針葉樹) 인공림(人工林)에 한정(限定)시키거나(13.47%), 침엽수(針葉樹)와 활엽수(濶葉樹)의 인공림(人工林)만을 포함(包含)시키기를 원(願)하는 반응자(反應者)도 있었으나(23.74%), 많은 반응자(反應者)가 수종(樹種), 임종(林種)(인공(人工), 천연(天然)) 구별(區別)없이 모두 포함(包含)시켜야 된다고 반응(反應)하였다(61.64%). 6. 보험사고(保險事故) 취급대상(取扱對象)의 범위(範圍) 산림보험(山林保險) 사고(事故) 취급대상(取扱對象) 범위(範圍)는 10년(年) 이하(以下)의 유령림(幼齡林)만 취급(取扱)하기를 원(願)하는 자(者)(15.23%), 20년(年) 이하(以下)의 임목(林木)만을 대상(對象)으로 하면 족(足)하다는 반응자(反應者)가 있었으나(32.95%), 많은 반응자(反應者)가 40년생(年生) 이하(以下)의 임목(林木)까지 포함(包含)하기를 바라고 있었다(46.37%). 7. 보험계약(保險契約) 기간(期間) 산림보험(山林保險) 계약기간(契約期間)은 1년(年) 단위(單位)가 좋다는 자(者)도 상당(相當)히 있었으나(31.74%), 과반수(過半數)가 5년(年) 단위(單位)로 계약(契約)하는 것을 바라고 있었다(58.68%). 8. 보험계약(保險契約)의 제한(制限) 5정보(町步) 미만(未滿)의 소면적(小面積)은 산림보험(山林保險) 대상(對象)에서 제외(除外)하고(20.78%), 단위(單位) 면적당(面積當) 일정(一定) 재적(材積) 또는 주수(株數)를 보유(保有)하고 있는 산림(山林)만을 계약대상(契約對象)으로 하는 것이 좋다고 반응(反應)하였다(63.77%). 9. 계약방법(契約方法) 산림보험(山林保險) 계약방법(契約方法)은 임의(任意)로 산림(山林)을 선택(選擇)하여 계약(契約)하기를 원(願)하는 자(者)(32.13%), 임의(任意)로 계약(契約)하되 소유산림(所有山林) 전체(全體)를 일괄(一括) 계약(契約)하도록 하는 방법(方法)을 택(擇)하여야 한다는 자(者)(33.48%), 특정임지(特定林地)(신식지(新植地), 보조조림지(補助造林地), 고가임지(高價林地))는 의무적(義務的)으로 계약(契約)하도록 하여야 한다는 반응자(反應者)(31.92%)로 나타나 비슷한 반응(反應)을 보였다. 10. 보험료율(保險料率) 산림보험(山林保險) 요율(料率)은 지역(地域)에 따르는 위험정도(危險程度)를 참작(參酌)하여 면적비례(面積比例)로 결정(決定)하여야 한다는 의견(意見)(31.59%)과 지역(地域) 위험율(危險率)을 참작(參酌)하여 보험가액(保險價額)에 따라 정(定)해야 한다는 의견(意見)이 있었으나(31.59%), 우리 나라에는 지역적(地域的) 위험율(危險率)에 큰 차이(差異)가 없을 것이므로 전국(全國) 일률적(一律的)인 보험료(保險料)를 보험가액(保險價額)에 따라 정(定)하기를 원(願)하는 경향(傾向)이 높았다(39.55%). 11. 보험료(保險料)의 납부(納付) 산림보험료(山林保險料)는 단기(短期)는 일시불(一時拂), 장기(長期)는 매년(每年) 납부(納付)하게 하는 의견(意見)도 있으나(13.80%), 단기(短期)는 고율(高率), 장기(長期)는 저율(低率)로 하되 단기(短期), 장기(長期)를 막론(莫論)하고 매년(每年) 납부(納付)하도록 하여야 한다고 반응(反應)하였다(86.71%). 12. 보험사무(保險事務) 취급기관(取扱機關) 산림보험(山林保險) 사무(事務)의 취급(取扱) 즉(即) 창구업무(窓口業務)의 취급(取扱)을 산림행정기관(山林行政機關)에 위탁(委託)하거나(18.75%), 일반(一般) 보험회사(保險會社)에 맡기기보다는(35.76%) 산림조합(山林組合)에 위탁(委託) 취급(取扱)하게 하고 보험료(保險料)의 일정율(一定率)을 환부(還付)해주는 것이 좋다고 반응(反應)하였다(44.22%). 13. 손해보상(損害補償)의 한도(限度) 산림보험(山林保險)의 손해보상(損害補償)은 유령림(幼齡林)이 피해(被害)를 입었을 때에는 재조림비(再造林費)를 한도(限度)로 하여 보상(補償)하는 것을 원칙(原則)으로 하고 성림(成林)의 경우(境遇)에는 손해액(損害額)의 80%정도(程度)를 한도(限度)로 하여 보상(補償)하기 보다는(29.70%) 실손(實損) 현재가액(現在價額)을 보상(補償)하거나(31.07%) 조림비(造林費)의 복리계산(複利計算) 합계액(合計額)을 보상(補償)하는 것을 바라고 있었다(36.99%). 14. 보험기금(保險基金)의 조성(造成) 산림보험(山林保險)의 기금조성(基金造成)은 손해(損害) 보상액(補償額)에서 일정액(一定額)을 공제(控除) 적립(積立)하여 조성(造成)하거나(15.65%), 임야세(林野稅)를 신설(新設)하여 기금(基金)을 확보(確保)하기 보다는(33.79%), 산림보험(山林保險) 무사고(無事故)로 인(因)한 잉여금(剩餘金)에서 일정액(一定額)씩을 적립(積立)하여 산림보험기금(山林保險基金)으로 하자는 의견(意見)에 많은 반응(反應)을 하였다(44.81%). 15. 산화(山火)의 원인(原因) 산림관계직(山林關係職)에 종사(從事)하고 있는 사람들의 과거(過去)의 경험(經驗)에 비추어 본 우리나라 산화(山火)의 주요원인(主要原因)은 실화(失火)(원인불명(原因不明), 32.39%), 담배불(28.89%), 화전(火田)(19.85%)에 의한 것으로 나타났는데 산림통계(山林統計)에 나타나 있는 산화(山火)의 주요원인(主要原因)과 일치(一致)하였다. 16. 산화경방(山火警防) 산림화재(山林火災) 경방조치(警防措置)로서 가장 중요(重要)하고 실효성(實効性)이 있으며 실천(實踐)할 수 있는 삼대대책(三大對策)으로는 (1) 방화선(防火線) 설치(設置)(23.84%), (2) 건조기(乾燥期)의 입산금지(入山禁止)(21.10%), (3) 메스콤에 의한 계몽교육(啓蒙敎育)(18.01%)이라고 반응(反應)하였다.