• 벤처창업연구
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• 제12권5호
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• pp.177-189
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• 2017

본 연구는 주된 일자리에서 은퇴했거나 은퇴를 앞둔 베이비붐 세대 직장인들을 대상으로 은퇴 이후 창 재취업의도에 영향을 미치는 요인과 사회적자본의 매개효과를 규명하고자 한다. 2010년 이후 베이비붐 세대의 대규모 퇴직이 시작되고 있으나 경제적 노후준비를 충분히 확보하지 못한 상태에서의 대규모 은퇴는 노동시장의 불안정과 사회복지비용 지출증가 등 사회 경제적으로 커다란 이슈가 되고 있다. 퇴직 후 30년 이상의 새로운 커리어를 시도할 수 있는 준비를 하도록 개인의 인식변화와 제도적인 지원이 구체화 되어야 한다. 연구결과, 경력지향성과 사회적자본간의 영향관계에서 관리지향성은 사회적자본에 정(+)의 영향을 미치고 자율지향성은 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 경력지향성과 창 재취업의도간의 영향관계에서 관리지향성은 창업의도에 영향을 미치지 않으나 재취업의도에 정(+)의 영향을 미치고, 자율지향성은 창업의도와 재취업의도 둘 다 정(+)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 사회적자본은 창 재취업의도에 정(+)의 영향을 미치며, 경력지향성과 창 재취업의도간의 영향관계에서 사회적자본의 매개효과가 확인되었다. 따라서 잠재적 은퇴자인 베이비부머 직장인들이 재직하는 기간 동안에 개인의 경력지향에 맞는 교육, 훈련, 재취업 프로그램을 체계적으로 지원받고, 네트워크나 신뢰 등 사회적자본을 강화하여, 은퇴 후 상대적으로 폭넓은 창 재취업의 기회를 얻고, 퇴직 후에도 노동시장에 오랜 기간 머물도록 함으로써 경제적 안정과 공적연금 등 사회적 비용증가에 대한 해결책이 될 시사점을 얻을 수 있었다.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국사회복지학회 2000년도 춘계학술대회 자료집
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• pp.615-628
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• 2000

스트레스란, 개인과 환경간의 특별한 관계가 개인의 안녕을 위협하고 개인이 가진 자원을 초과하는 것을 말한다. 븐 연구는 청소년 임신과 스트레스에 관한 문헌연구를 통하여 청소년 임신과스트레스와의 관계에 대해서 살펴봄으로써 임신력 있는 청소년들을 위한 스트레스 관련 임상사회 사업 서비스 개입 방안을 제시하고자 하는데 목적이 있다. 임신으로 인한 부모됨의 변화가 청소년기 자체의 인생 주기 상에서의 스트레스와 중복될 때, 누적된 스트레스는 보다 커진다. 변화의 중첩은 개인 역할의 애매함을 초래하여 스트레스를 가중시키고 발달 과업의 우선순위에 혼란을 가져온다. 청소년기의 임신은 성인기로 이동하는 청소년 당사자, 그 자녀, 사회이 부정적인 영향을 미친다. 이러한 부정적인 영향은 단기간에 끝나지 않으므로 임신한 청소년들의 대처 기술과 적응력을 향상시키기 위한 개입의 노력이 필요하다. 임신한 청소년들의 경우에는 개인 상담 접근만으로는 불충분하며 효과적인 예방 프로그램은 보다 나은 대안이자 동시에 목적이 될 수 있다. 이러한 개입은 임신한 청소년들을 출산 이후에 노출되기 쉬운 디스트레스로부터 보호해주고 성인으로 성장하게 될 청소년들의 건강한 정신건강 도모이 기여하는 것으로 나파났다. 이는 결국, 임신한 청소년들을 대상으로 한 스트레스 대처 능력을 향상시키고 긍정적인 인지를 발달시킬 수 있는 스트레스 관리 프로그램의 필요성을 암시하고 있다. 이러한 연구 결과가 갖는 결론과 함께 앞으로 실천적 개입방안에 대한 더욱 정교한 연구가 요구된다.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제32집
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• pp.31-76
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• 2019

이상호는 구천상제에 대한 기록으로 최초로 1926년 『증산천사공사기』를 발간했으며, 3년 뒤 다시 자료를 보완 증보하여 경전의 형태를 띤 『대순전경』을 발간하였다. 이후 『대순전경』은 1965년 6판까지 증보 간행되었다. 『전경』의 「행록」편(編)은 상제의 강세와 화천까지를 기록한 부분이다. 「행록」은 연도별로 되어있으며 5개 장(章)이다. 「행록」은 상제의 전 생애를 기록한 것으로 그 구절은 『전경』의 다른 편의 내용을 종합적으로 담고 있다. 이글은 다음과 같은 세 가지 목적 하에 기술되었다. 첫째 상제의 전 생애가 축약되어 기록된 「행록」 구절의 내용이 어떠한가를 살펴보고, 둘째로 「행록」 구절이 『전경』의 다른 6개 장(章)과 그 내용상의 상관성이 어떠한가를 찾아보았다. 마지막으로 「행록」 구절의 변이를 『대순전경』 (1965)과 비교하여 논의해 보았다. 「행록」의 내용을 『대순전경』과 비교해 보면 「행록」에만 있는 구절들이 있는데, 먼저 그것은 강씨성의 유래에서 강신농으로부터 상제께서 강세한 고부에 강씨가 어떻게 살게 되었는가를 설명한 부분이다. 이는 상제께서 인간 세상에 강(姜)씨로 오고 신격위에 강성(姜聖)이 있는 면에서 기술되어야 할 중요한 기록이다. 또 상제께서 강세한 지역에 삼신산(三神山)이 있고 강세지의 명칭이 변천한 것은 신이한 면이 있지만 두 기록은 대순사상과 깊은 상관성을 보여준다. 다음으로 시루산 공부에 관한 기록이다. 『대순전경』에는 시루산 공부에 대한 내용이 전혀 없다. 따라서 3년간의 주유(周遊) 이후 천지공사 이전 상제의 행적에 있어 시루산 공부는 대단히 중요한 의미를 주는 전승으로 평가할 수 있다. 『전경』의 기록만이 상제의 시루산 공부에 대해 유일하게 비중 있는 단서를 제공해 주고 있는 것이다. 아울러 백의군왕 백의장군 도수, 상제의 화천 등에서도 『전경』의 내용은 『대순전경』과 다른 면모에서 변이상 차이점을 보여준다.

• 한국문헌정보학회지
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• 제25권
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• pp.445-476
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• 1993

This paper is written to clarify the specific details of the Sabu-Songyu­Mongnok(사부송유목록). which is a reading list for recitation and appreciation of Chinese classics edited by Hong Suk-Chu(1774-1842) when he was 56 years old for the stimulation of his younger brother Hyun-Ju (1793-1865)'s reading life. In this study the catalogue's title interpretation. the time of the editing, the motive for the editing and the analysis of the contents are revealed as what they actually are. The main details are as followings. There is no date written on the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok but the writer estimate it to be around 1829. After Hong Suk-Chu recognized the fact that although his younger brother Hyun-Ju was interested in reading but felt that he was a little too old to begin to read all the books of the whole classes. he selected the classic works from whole subjects, i.e. history, philosophy and anthology, that he thought which would best represent each subject. From these selected works he then picked out the most important chapters or parts of the works. Another motivation of the editing was for the stimulation of the reading life for Hong Suk-chu himself and for people like himself who were getting old and losing their vitality. The Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok consists of four categories. i.e. classics category, history category, philosophy category and anthology category, and in the catalogue, 26 different works are entered. The classics category has ten, the history category has six, the philosophy category has six and the anthology category has four. Each of the works are entered under the title of the book, and hen the chapter heading. The Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok was edited 19 years later than Hong-ssi toksorok(홍씨독서록) or an Annotated Bibliography of Korean and Chinese Books. Comparing each category of the catalogue with the Hong-ssi toksorok, the writer could catch the following characteristics. 1. Although there was no indication of the class heading, the sequence of the arrangement of the entries in the classics categories was the same as the sequence of the classes in the Hong-ssi toksorok. 2. The Zuo-shi Chun-qiu-zhuan(좌씨춘추전) is recorded in the class of Chunqiu of the classics category in the Hong-ssi toksorok, but in the Sabu-Songyu­Mongnok, it belongs to the history category. 3. In the philosophy category of the catalogue, Chuangtzu(장자) writings are included because it is so well written. 4. Unlike the categories of classics, history and anthology, the philosophy category is recorded under the author's name. This is fascinating because it unites with the conventional cataloguing practice of the west. 5. In the anthology category, the writings with the best styles from the Chuci(초사) or the poems of Chou, Wen-xuan(문선), wen-yuan-ying-hua(문여영화) are selected and classified into four parts: (1) poems, (2) proses of Han, Wei and Pre-Qin dynasties. (3) Si-liu-pian-li-wen(사육병려문), (4) classic style of writings of Tang and Song dynasties (당송고문). 6. There was an unusually large number of Han Yu's writings selected from the great eight poets of Tang and Song dynasty writings. (20 categories out of $43: 47\%)$ After comparing the entries of the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok, it can be concluded that all the entries were also included in the Hong-ssi tokrorok. The fact that the sequence of the entries in the classics category and that the literary works were sequenced under the same subject by the year of editing or writing like as the Hong-ssi toksorok Also it is unusual that there was not even one literary work of a Korean in the catalogue. Anyhow this catalogue is the first recitation catalogue in our country that was edited for the people in the prime of life as well as for old people and is the only one existing today.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제38집
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• pp.1-46
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• 2021

이글에서 대순사상에 나타난 덕과 관련해서 살펴본 내용을 요약해보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 대순사상에서 덕개념은 도와 관련 유래하는 것으로 되어 있다. 도와 덕은 음과 양의 관계처럼 밀접한데 도는 신격위(神格位)가 '구천응원뇌성보화천존강성상제(九天應元雷聲普化天尊姜聖上帝)'인 강증산(姜甑山, 구천상제(九天上帝), 강일순(姜一淳), 강사옥(姜士玉), 1871~1909, 수(壽) 39세(歲))이 강세(降世)한 객망리(현(現) 정읍)의 시루산 공부(1900) 후 대원사(大院寺)에서의 공부(1901)로 연 천지대도(天地大道)이며, 덕개념은 삼덕(三德)인 천덕(天德), 지덕(地德), 인덕(人德)의 대덕(大德)으로 나타난다. 이어서 신격위가 '조성옥황상제(趙聖玉皇上帝)'인 조정산(趙鼎山, 조성옥황상제(趙聖玉皇上帝), 조철제(趙哲濟), 도주(道主), 1895~1958, 수(壽) 64세(歲))은 강증산의 천지대도를 빛내고 이로부터 생성된 천지대덕(天地大德)을 계승해서 강증산의 대업(大業)을 홍포(弘布)하겠다고 하였다. 이는 천지대덕의 덕화로 전인적 인간을 육성하여 도통군자를 이루고, 지구상에 이룩될 무량극락(無量極樂) 청화(淸華) 오(五)만년 용화선경(龍華仙境)으로 천하 창생들을 인도하겠다는 것이다. 둘째, 삼계(三界)의 덕인 천덕, 지덕, 인덕은 각각 체용론적으로 보아 천용(天用), 지용(地用), 인용(人用)과 대응되며 인간은 천지자연과 유기적 관계이고 이 천지인의 용(用)은 구천상제인 강증산의 조화(造化)에 있다. 셋째, 인간이 베푸는 덕은 마음(心) 수양과 관계되어 있다. 인간은 자신의 심령을 구해서 궁리하며 선(善)을 실천하고 악을 없애는 실천수양을 통해 궁극적으로는 마음으로 천지인의 용(用)을 통제할 수 있다는 것이다. 넷째, 덕의 실천과 관련해서 보면, 호생의 덕은 살아있는 생명을 가진 만물들을 아끼고 사랑하는 것으로 그 승화된 모습은 인간의 생명을 존중하는 인존(人尊)사상에까지 닿아 있다. 언덕은 남에게 척을 짓지 않음으로써 인존세상을 실현할 수 있는 덕이다. 포덕은 강증산의 천지대도와 조정산의 봉교(奉敎) 및 포교(布敎)로부터 발현되는 덕을 세상에 펼치는 일에 인간이 동참하는 일이다. 강증산은 천지공사(天地公事, 1901~1909)하에 그의 천지대도로부터 발현되는 천지대덕으로 인간의 복록 및 수명과 일상의 삶이 이루어짐을 말하였다. 이에 천하포덕은 인간에게 일상에서 복을 주고 신앙적 소원을 이루게 하는 원동력이며 원천이다. 공덕은 덕을 타인에게 실천수행하여 운수(運數)와 복(福)을 받게 된다는 의미가 내포되어 있다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제9권
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.107-115
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• 1968

Number of aspects, not only nutritional but social as well as political involved in human starvation pose nowadays global problems. In order to help establish the minimum nutritional requirements in the daily life of a man and to free people as well from either undernourishment, malnutrition or even starvation many workers have devoted themselves so far on the research programs to know what and how number of metabolic events take place in animals in vivo. It is the purpose of the present paper to examine in effect to what extent both of the protein and nucleic acids (DNA & RNA) together with an enzyme, guanine deaminase, which converts guanine into xanthine and in turn ends up to uric acid as an end product, undergo changes, quantitatively during acute starvation, using the mouse as an experimental animal. The mouse was strictly inhibited from taking foods except drinking water ad libitum and was sacriflced 24, 48, and 72 hours following starvation thus acutely induced. The animals consisted of two experimental groups, one control and another starvation groups, each being consisted of 6-24 mice of whose body weights ranged in the vicinity of 10 g. The animals were sacriflced by a blow on the head, followed by immediate excision of their livers into ice-cold distilled water, washing adherent blood and other contaminant tissues. The liver was minced foramin, by an all-glass homogenizer immersing it in an ice-bath, followed by subsequent fractionatin of the homogenate (10% W/V in 0.25M sucrose solution made up with 0.05M phosphate buffer of pH 7.4). For the liver protein and guanine deaminase assay, the 10% homogenate was centrifuged at 600 x g for 10 minutes to eliminate the nuclear fraction; and for the estimation of DNA and RNA, the homogenate was prepared by the addition of 10% trichloroacetic acid in order to free the homogenate from the acid-soluble fraction, the remaining residue being delipidate by the addition of alcohol and dried in vacuo for later KOH (IN) hydrolysis. The changes in body and liver wegihts during acute starvation were checked gravimetrically. Protein contents in the liver were monitored by the method of Lowry et al; and guanine deaminase activities were followed by the assay of liberated ammonia from the substrate utilizing the Caraway's colorimetry. The extraction of both DNA and RNA was performed by the Schmidt-Thannhauser's method, which was followed by Marmur's method of purification for DNA and by Chargaff's method of purification for RNA. The determinations of both DNA and RNA were carried out by the diphenylamine reaction for the former and by the orcinol reaction for the latter. The following resume was the results of the present work. 1. It was observed that the body as well as liver weights fall abruptly during starvation, and that the loss of body weight showed no statistical correlation with the decreases in the content of liver protein. 2. The content of liver protein and activity of liver guanine deaminase activity as well decline dramatically, and the specific activities of the enzyme (activity/protein), however, decreased gradually as starvation proceeded. 3. Both of the nucleic acids, DNA and RNA, showed decrements in the liver of mouse during acute starvation; the latter, however, being more striking in the decline as compared to the former. 4. The decreases in the liver protein content as resulted from the acute starvation had no statistically significant correlation with the decrements of DNA in the same tissue, but had regressed with a significant statistical correlation with the fall of RNA in the tissue. 5. The decrease in the activity of guanine deaminase in the liver of mouse during acute starvation was functionally more proportional to the decrease in RNA than DNA, and moreover correlated with the changes in the content of the liver protein. 6. The possible mechanisms involved during in this acute starvation as bring the decreases in the contents of DNA, protein, and guanine deaminase were discussed briefly.