• Title/Summary/Keyword: Wedding ritual

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Factors Affecting the Family Life's Values in Seoul and Gyeonggi Area (가정생활관에 영향을 미치는 변인에 관한 연구 - 서울.경기 지역을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Yang-Hee;Kim, Hyo-Min
    • Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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    • v.13 no.2
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    • pp.1-21
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this study is to provide further direction to the culture program at the healthy family center by analyzinge its different concepts of family living culture, which is based on changes in the family values of an individual. This research was conducted on residents in the area of Seoul and Kung-gi from March 1, 2007 to March 30, 2007. The survey was distributed to 300 people, and 186 surveys were collected. Among those 186 surveyed, 179 were finally analyzed. Findings from the survey are as follows: First, age, gender, and marital status show differences in familism, consciousness of men's and women's equality, and recognition of family cultural ritual. As to planning the healthy family culture program, the program participants' age, gender, and marital status should be considered to successfully plan and operate the program. Second, regarding the view of family life from three aspects including the degree of recognition of family cultural ritual, familism, and the consciousness of men's and women's equality, all three variables show differences in the view of family life. Therefore, it will be highly effective to organize two separate groups: one presents lower recognition of family cultural ritual and family-based values, and another possesses a higher sense of equality. Third, the result of reviewing relative effectiveness to the proper family life value, wedding, consciousness of parents respect(=filial piety), and sacrificial rituals, funeral rites were founded to highly effective to family living view. Therefore, it will be highly effective to include these topics, when the family cultural living program is planned.

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A study on ceremonial costume and Confucianism is Chosun Dynasty - Focusing on Men's Po - (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 유교사상(儒敎思想)과 의예복연구(儀禮服硏究) - 남자(男子) 포(袍)를 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Lee, Sun-Jae
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.16
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    • pp.221-229
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    • 1991
  • This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

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The Effects of Family Rituals on Family Strengths (가족의례가 가족건강성에 미치는 영향)

  • Bae, Jae-Hyun
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.16 no.12
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    • pp.622-635
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    • 2016
  • The purpose of this study is first to examine the tendency in what kind of activities and difficulties are carried out as family rituals. Second, the study was to investigate the effects of family rituals on family strengths. To accomplish study purpose, 216 married women/men were asked to fill out the survey questionnaires. For analysis of data, SPSS Win program was used to perform Frequency Analysis, MANOVA, Multiple Regression Analysis. (1)In the dinner rituals, it turned out that a main activity was 'serving homemade food' and a majority of subjects had a difficult time establishing a regular ritual due to 'their busy schedule at work'. In the weekend leisure rituals, a main activity was 'paying a visit to suburbs' and a main difficulty was 'lack of mutually available time for all family members'. In the birthday rituals, a main activity was 'preparing a birthday cake' and a main difficulty was 'because family members forget their birthday'. In the wedding anniversary rituals, women's main activity was 'eating out' and men's main activity was 'give a partner to a flower or gift', and a main difficulty was 'because family members forget their birthday' and 'because it was not a wanted celebration'. Finally, in the traditional rituals, women's main difficulty was 'partner doesn't understand my difficulties' and men's main difficulty was 'trouble human relationships with relatives'. (2)The family rituals were significantly different according to the age. (3)'Closeness of family members', 'task performance and problem solving skills' and 'sharing a value system of family members' were affected by the family rituals.

The Political Background of the Installation of the Crown Prince During the Period of King Munjong in the Goryeo Dynasty (고려 문종대 왕태자(王太子) 책봉(冊封)과 태자(太子) 관련 제도(制度) 정비의 의미)

  • Kim, Seon-mi
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.45
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    • pp.263-289
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    • 2014
  • King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

A Study of Folk Costume Culture (II) -Field Research Around the Mt. Kumo Area- (서민복식문화에 관한 연구(II) -경북 금오산 주변지역의 민속조사 결과를 중심으로-)

  • Hong, Na-Young;Lee, Eun-Joo;Lim, Jae-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.71-79
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    • 1995
  • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 19, No. 1 (199i) p. 71~79 The authors study on the traditional textile production and the formal dress through the field research concerning the folk attitude toward dress style around the Mt. Kumo area. In this area, people produced and wove hemp, cotton, and silk except ramie. Because of poor production of raw materials, they produced textiles only for self-sufficiency. Every household dealt with dyeing on a small scale. In the past, people dyed cloth natually using plants as material. Natural dyeing, however, gradually changed into chemical one since the Japanese rule. The formal dresses, which people wore on particular occasions such as the hundredth day after child's brith, the first birthday, and traditional holidays, were very meager due to poor living standards. People could not see the formal dresses with full decoration. Bride and bridegroom were the village.owned wedding dresses, and if they could not afford to, they simply put cloth on to remember the occasion. People around the Mt. Kumo area, however, provided fully-decorated shroud and ritual robes to the level of other better-off areas. It seemed to be the result of influence of deep-rooted Confucianism in Gyungbuk province. This Phenomenon could be found in the folk dress style in other regions as well as the Mt. Kumo area in Gyungbuk province.

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Construction of Cham Identity in Cambodia

  • Maunati, Yekti;Sari, Betti Rosita
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.107-135
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    • 2014
  • Cham identities which are socially constructed and multilayered, display their markers in a variety of elements, including homeland attachment to the former Kingdom of Champa, religion, language and cultural traditions, to mention a few. However, unlike other contemporary diasporic experience which binds the homeland and the host country, the Cham diaspora in Cambodia has a unique pattern as it seems to have no voice in the political and economic spheres in Vietnam, its homeland. The relations between the Cham in Cambodia and Vietnam seem to be limited to cultural heritages such as Cham musical traditions, traditional clothing, and the architectural heritage. Many Cham people have established networks outside Cambodia with areas of the Muslim world, like Malaysia, Indonesia, southern Thailand and the Middle Eastern countries. Pursuing education or training in Islam as well as working in those countries, especially Malaysia has become a way for the Cham to widen their networks and increase their knowledge of particularly, Islam. Returning to Cambodia, these people become religious teachers or ustadz (Islamic teachers in the pondok [Islamic boarding school]). This has developed slowly, side by side with the formation of their identity as Cham Muslims. Among certain Cham, the absence of an ancient cultural heritage as an identity marker has been replaced by the Islamic culture as the important element of identity. However, being Cham is not a single identity, it is fluid and contested. Many scholars argue that the Cham in Cambodia constitute three groups: the Cham Chvea, Cham, and Cham Bani (Cham Jahed). The so-called Cham Jahed has a unique practice of Islam. Unlike other Cham who pray five times a day, Cham Jahed people pray, once a week, on Fridays. They also have a different ritual for the wedding ceremony which they regard as the authentic tradition of the Cham. Indeed, they consider themselves pure descendants of the Cham in Vietnam; retaining Cham traditions and tending to maintain their relationship with their fellow Cham in Central Vietnam. In terms of language, another marker of identity, the Cham and the Cham Jahed share the same language, but Cham Jahed preserve the written Cham script more often than the Cham. Besides, the Cham Jahed teaches the language to the young generation intensively. This paper, based on fieldwork in Cambodia in 2010 and 2011 will focus on the process of the formation of the Cham identity, especially of those called Cham and Cham Jahed.

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