• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture International Edition
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• no.1
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• pp.167-175
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• 2001

After World War II, Japan experienced a great political and social shift, which brought a concern of emerging public landscape in urban development. This paper analyses the management of the aesthetic intentions in urban design effort. We reviewed the development of various public installation of artworks concerning urban landscape aesthetics through its administrative process in chronological order. The monuments during the first decade marked a shift in emphasis from the militarism of the pre-war and wartime period to one of peace. However, some of the monuments and sculptures are not immune to controversy. This became an issue that could no be ignored by public officials whose responsibility was to place the sculptures while maintaining sensitivity to public opinion. As public administrators began to consider the possibility that sculptures may contribute to improving public amenities, the contextual concepts were basically ignored. Some of the programs in 1970s began to show more respect to the context, while other programs in this period expressed more interest in educational aspects of sculptures in the public spaces. Urban development projects also seek to introduce artworks integrated to their urban design concepts in 1990s. Generally, the administrators responsible for these programs were rarely trained in any relative field study other than public administration. Installing sculptures tended to be considered as part of public works projects on the level of urban planning and construction. The general public is basically removed from participating in the critical decisions that actually impact their lives in relation to the artworks. In conclusion, public art in japan has unique social and historic background both in its advantages and disadvantages. Issues pertaining to art in public spaces have evolved over the decades as the term "sculpture pollution" began to appear by the mid 1990s. most of the problems originated in either the lack of monumentality, contextual consideration, quality, or public participation. From another point of view, these programs played great roll in the development of modern Japanese sculpture and patronizing process, and the creation of new urban landscape with aesthetic value. In this sense, they must be considered as successful and noteworthy examples of cultural administration and urban design policy.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.83-113
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• 2017

After defeat in World War II, Japan's Peace Constitution committed the country to forego the acquisition of offensive military capabilities. However, in the midst of the post-cold war period, Japan began to change its security posture in line with the so-called 'normal state theory', which called for a more robust defense posture and expanded security activities. The second Abe administration promoted these security policies by issuing a National Security Strategy as well as a new National Defense Program Outline(NDPO) in 2013 and by establishing new security institutions such as the National Security Council. The Abe administration also adopted the new concept of a 'Unified Mobile Defense Force' in the 2013 which replaced the 'Dynamic Defense Force' as a new criteria for the Self-Defense Force's acquisition of military capabilities. In this new concept of military capabilities, the Ground Self-Defense Force is planning to replace existing divisions with mobile divisions and to form 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' for the first time in 2018, which has long been taboo in Japan. Japan has experience a Marine Corps in the past. Likewise, an offensive changes in the military strategy can change the spectrum of strategy and 'Amphibious Rapid Deployment Bridge' plays a big role in this. Furthermore, Japan is increasing the Coast Guard's budget and capabilities in preparation for contingencies around the Senkaku islands (called the Diaoyu in Chinese). The South Korea navy should utilize Japan's changing security posture to deter immediate threat such as North Korea's military provocations and potential enemy threat such as China, Japan, Russia.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.13-39
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• 2022

The author examines three new religious movements in South Korea: Jehovah's Witnesses, the Unification Church, and the Daesoon Jinrihoe, and aims to identify the factors that are conducive to the growth of each. All three organisations believe in a coming paradise, and the article explores their respective attempts to interest the populace in their appeal. Discussion is given to membership statistics and the problems of measuring allegiance and moves on to consider methods of propagation. Most obviously, evangelisation strategy is important: Jehovah's Witnesses and Unificationists have tended to engage the interest of strangers, while followers of Daesoon Jinrihoe are more inclined to evangelise family and friends. Additionally, there are other factors that determine an organisation's progress: cultural appropriateness, engagement in social and educational work, and attitudes to conflict and peace, the latter being particularly important in a society that has experienced war and occupation. Reference is made to the ways in which these three organisations finance themselves, and it is argued that financial resources merit greater attention in the scholarly study of religion, since monetary assets are needed to secure a spiritual movement's existence. Of the three organisations under discussion, the Daesoon Jinrihoe has been the most successful, being South Korea's largest new religion, while Jehovah's Witnesses are in steady state, and the Unification movement is experiencing slight decline.

• Strategy21
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• s.41
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• pp.208-231
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• 2017

The balance of power in conventional forces between the two Koreas works in favor of the South Korea in the Korea peninsula. But, the balancing mechanism between the two Koreas in asymmetric forces like nuclear and missile forces works absolutely in favor of the North Korea. That's why it should be timely for the ROK military to review existing strategy and revise a new counter strategy against the threat posed by the North Korea's nuclear and missile forces. The ROK military is now developing 4D, KAMD, KILL Chain strategies as means to cope with the North Korea's nuclear and missile threats. Considering efforts and resources invested now, the strategies are expected to be in place in next five or more years. However, approaches to those strategies seem to be rather fragmentary and conceptual than comprehensive and pragmatic. The types of strategies against the North Korea's military threats need to be a deterrence in peace time and a fighting and winning in war time in the Korean theater. But, the most important element in the deterrence strategy is the credibility. This study concludes with an new strategic concept titled "ADAD(Assured Defense, Assured Destruction)" as an alternative to existing strategies to deal with the North Korea's nuclear and missile threats.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.150-179
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• 2015

This thesis analyzes Somali piracy as a non-traditional threat to the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC) and international countermeasures to the piracy. In an era of globally interdependent economies, the protection of sea lines and freedom of navigation are prerequisites for the development of states. Since the post-Cold War began in the early 1990s, ocean piracy has emerged as a significant threat to international trade. For instance, in the Malacca Strait which carries 30 percent of the world's trade volume, losses from failed shipping, insurance, plus other subsequent damages were enormous. Until the mid-2000s, navies and coast guards from Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, together with the International Maritime Organization (IMO), conducted anti-piracy operations in the Strait of Malacca. The combined efforts of these three maritime states, through information sharing and with reinforced assets including warships and patrol aircrafts, have successfully made a dent to lower incidents of piracy. Likewise, the United Nations' authorization of multinational forces to operate in Somali waters has pushed interdiction efforts including patrol and escort flotilla support. This along with self-reinforced security measures has successfully helped lower piracy from 75 incidents in 2012 to 15 in 2013. As illustrated, Somali piracy is a direct security threat to the international community and the SLOC which calls for global peacekeeping as a countermeasure. Reconstructing the economy and society to support public safety and stability should be the priority solution. Emphasis should be placed on restoring public peace and jurisdiction for control of piracy as a primary countermeasure.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.22-34
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• 2016

The purpose of this study was to analyze commemoration characteristics of fifty-nine Vietnam war memorials in Korea(VWMK) including monuments and national cemeteries from landscape architectural point of view such as location, spacial characteristic, landscape detail, sculpture, and interpretive text. Based on the commemoration characteristics of the analysis, the commemoration culture among Vietnam, the U.S.A., and Korea were studied and differences compared. The results are as follows. First, monuments were mainly located in public open space such as national cemeteries, parks, and plaza, and some of them were elected along with Korea war memorials to honor Vietnam war veterans at the national level. Second, because the monuments were relatively small and memorial towers were conventionally built on a square platform, the memorial style had been simply standardized to stereotype the commemoration characteristics. Third, outmoded memorial towers, stone plates, emblems, and memorial walls were used as main landscape details and standardized facilities were considered from an artistic and social point of view. Fourth, realistic soldier statues to show heroic and humanitarian image were in majority, while symbolic and abstract sculpture were small in number, they were mostly conventional and unexpressive. Fifth, the causes of participation in the Vietnam War were predominantly expressed as 'defending freedom', 'keeping world peace', and 'national economic development' based on anti-communism and patriotism, and also the collectivity of Vietnam War veterans by troop and local level was emphasized through engraving each veterans's name on towers, plates, and walls. VWMK are mostly conventional and stereotyped in style and show strongly national official memory and the collectivity of veterans from a sociopolitical perspective, and aim for anti-communistic patriotism ideologically. Further study and projects will be required to make creative and innovative memorials and to study how to rethink sublime fundamental themes like war, death, and the individual veteran's experience in VWMK.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Military Science and Technology
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.705-715
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to analyze the necessity of organizing an exclusive unit to perform the division Engineering Reconnaissance, and how to organize exclusive unit. To this end, first, it was analyzed whether exclusive unit organization was necessary by using organization-conditions and AHP. Next, through ARENA model simulation and task-analysis, it was determined how many people would be organized, and how the class structure would be appropriate. As a result, first, it is reasonable to organize the Engineering Reconnaissance unit as an exclusive unit, and the best way is to organize all-time(war/peace time). Second, the exclusive unit should be organized into a total of 10 persons(2~3 cadres, 7~8 soldiers). We hope that the research will contribute to the rational procedure of our military unit structure organization and set the standards for applying the quantitative methodology.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.97-104
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• 2011

Art has always been a witness to its time. The art of our century has lived through two world war. In that time Friedensreich Hundertwasser was born to a half Jewish family in Vienna in 1928. He lived and died as a painter, architect, designer, ecologist, writer, innovator... etc. He was impressed form Gustav Klimt, who pioneered the Viennese Secession which was the Austrian expression of the Art-Nouveau mouvement and inspired by the works of Egon Schiele from an early date. His style as an architect was heavily influenced by Antonio Gaudi and some of the Jugendstil architects. Although his architectural work is comparable to Gaudi in its biomorphic forms and use of tile, but is currently renowned for his unique styling. His character as follows; First, Bold color - His use of color is bold, and he has a strong sense of which color work well together. Second, Curved line & Spiral - It's the primary shapes in his works against the tyranny of ugliness and the iron rule of its straight line. Spiral reveal as a transautomaism. Third, Harmony with nature - His work is the creator of beauty, of nature of harmony, peace of joy, against the contradictions of our post-industrial society. He represented these various characteristics in his works. Hundertwasser first achieved notoriety for his boldly-colored painting, he is more widely renowned today for his revolutionary architectural designs.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.1253-1258
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• 2013

This Paper deals with detection and defense methods for underwater weapons because there are so many dangers of underwater weapons not only in the war period but also in the peace time. Underwater mines are the representative strategic arms. The sensors and target detection methods, threat elimination method of mines included in this paper. Among the various sensors of mine, we use the magnetometor for target detection method in the simulation and execute the analysis of magnetic field of detected target ships. It will be also provided that effectiveness of target detection, sweeping method of mine, tactics of mine planning and mine sweeping and so on.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.49-168
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• 2010

Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.