• World Technopolis Review
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• v.1 no.3
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• pp.192-205
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• 2012

Globalization has fuelled the desire for simplicity and flexibility in rules and processes within nations. de Soto (2000) calls for the simplification of rules to enable people to join the formal economy. Friedman (2005) echoes the need for simpler rules, to attract business and capital. Market-based approaches to governing have been adopted in many nations due to globalization. Recent developments demonstrate that such approaches fail. Globalization may lead to impoverishment in the absence of proper forms of governance (Cooney 2000). That is why it has the tendency to become a "race to the bottom." Regulatory measures can be costly, and the costs of doing business are uneven across nations. This unevenness is being used as a comparative advantage. Others call this regulatory competition (Smith-Bozek 2007) or competitive governance (Schachtel and Sahmel 2000), which is similar to the model of Charles Tiebout. Collaborative governance is an approach that governments could use in lieu of the competitive method. Mechanisms that enable stakeholders to exchange information, harmonize activities, share resources, and enhance capacities (Himmelman 2002) are needed. Philippine public policy encourages a shift in modes of realizing labor market governance outcomes from command to collaboration (Sale and Bool 2010B; Sale 2011). Is labor market governance and regional development in the Philippines collaborative? Or is the opposite - competitive governance (Tiebout model) - more evident? What is the dominant approach? This preliminary research tackles these questions by looking at recent data on average and minimum wages, wage differentials, trade union density, collective bargaining coverage, small and bigger enterprises, employment, unemployment and underemployment, inflation, poverty incidence, labor productivity, family income, among others, across regions of the country. The issue is studied in the context of legal origins. Cultural explanations are broached.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.81-117
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• 2011

This study examined how firms responded to the articles regarding the prohibition or correction of discrimination against fixed-term workers in the 'fixed-term worker protection law', which has been effective since July of 2007 in Korea. Data used cone from the Korean Workplace Survey, and a difference-in-differences method was employed for the identification of the causal effect, noting that the 'discrimination prohibition law' has been applied to firms over stages based on their sizes. The empirical results show no strong evidence that the law played a positive role in reducing differentials between permanent workers and fixed-term workers in the areas of wage and various employee benefits, including the provision of severance pay, annual leave, and 4 major social insurances for fixed-term workers. A more thorough future analysis on the causes of the insignificant impact of the law in some employee welfare benefits, along with supplemental policies, is needed to have the law achieve the desired goal of removing discrimination at the workplace.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.121-168
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• 2014

After analyzing and finding the explaining factors about the "Effect of My Mom's Friend's Son (MMFS Effect)" with online-surveyed data, we introduce this concept into the conventional job search theory to develop it further. We try to estimate its effects on the hazard rate of youth pre-employment duration with some proxy variables such as his/her parents' schooling, living with parents dummy, increasing rate of consumer price index representing the burdens of parents, monthly temporary/daily workers ratio, relative ratio of quarterly 90th percentile urban household income, monthly average wage differentials between the workers of large and small firms, etc. The results confirm us the fact that so called "MMFS Effect" has been effective enough and strengthened up to recently. The conventional job search theory should be extended to be able to introduce the influencing effects of other person's success, for instance MMFS's success, on the job search behavior of youths, too.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.1
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• pp.199-221
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• 2007

This study examines the conditions and causes of income inequality and seeks assignments for mitigating income inequality. An analysis of the conditions and causes of income inequality is summarized as follows. First, income inequality, which rapidly increased after the economic crisis, increased and reduced repeatedly during 1999-2004, and remained a level in 2005 as high as that of the year directly after the economic crisis. Second, an analysis of the causes of income inequality by utilizing the long-term data(1985-2004) shows that unemployment rate, nonstandard employment rate, and the rising rate of land prices positively affect income inequality. Third, an analysis of the causes of income inequality by utilizing the data before and after the economic crisis(1995-2004) demonstrates that unemployment rate, nonstandard employment rate, and the workers' income ratio between large enterprises and small enterprises positively affect income inequality. Fourth, the rising rate of land prices which significantly affects income inequality in the data of 1985-2004 does not affect income equality in the data of 1995-2004, and the workers' income ratio between large enterprises and small enterprises which does not affect income inequality in the data of 1985-2004 significantly affect income equality in the data of 1995-2004. These results suggest several implications for mitigating income inequality. First, alternative plans to reduce unemployment rate must be prepared. Second, policies to reduce nonstandard employment rate should be established. Third, programs to stabilize or lower the land prices must be deliberated. Fourth, a master-plan to support small to medium enterprises must be carried out in order to reduce the wage differentials between large enterprises and small to medium enterprises.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.204-229
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• 1988

This paper documents and discusses trends and differentials in youth's participation in the labor force and employment. Youth in this study is defined asthe young aged 15-29. Youth passes through a series of life-course transitions,which include school completion own family formation(marriage and childbirth) .mandatory service in the army (by males) , and their economic activities are affectedby those life-course events. Accordingly we show how and to what extent youth'slabor force participation and employment varies with age and how the age patternhas changed over time.Throughout the 1980's and 1990's, youth's labor force participation showeddifferent trends by age group Labor fDrce participation rate of the 15-19 agedsteeply decreased, while that of the 25-29 steadily increased during the twodecades, the rate fsr the 20-24 aged showing not much variation. The former is dueto the increased rate of school enrollment among the age group, while the lattercould be attributed, in part, to the young women s increased and more steadyparticipation in the labor force over time.While labor force participation could be considered as a result of one's choicesand preferences, employment opportunities are more or less restricted by labormarket structure and institutions . This study documents how the structuralconstraints have interacted with individual and group attributes to differentiateemployment opportunities between individuals (educational background) and groups(especially sex diffrences) . One of the most salient feature of youth's em[ploymentstructure is the recent high unemployment rate of the college graduates. We discusshow that is related to the'credential society'in which one's educational credentials and it's social status play major role in determining who gets what in terms of job opportunities. Also is discussed the discordance between school and labor marketsupply and demand system, which is apparent in the prolonged oversupply of thecollege graduates, which is due to the consistently high rate of college entranceobserved since the early 1980's. Theoretically the job market for college graduates isviewed not as the'neoclassical'wage competition market but as job competition market in which one's (good) job opportunity is determined by one s position in thejob queue, which is in turn heavily dependent on from which college one get shis/her college degree as well as one's sex.