This paper explores the history of environmental movements and policymaking in the city of Austin, TX and addresses the most recent element of the city's environmental policy, the Smart Growth Initiative. Austin's intense growth over the last 35 years has increased a growing awareness of environmental impacts by humans. The Austin municipal government has tried to adopt environmental measures and various policy initiatives ranging from comprehensive plans to its latest Smart Growth Initiative. The long history of comprehensive planning and watershed protection ordinances indicate that while environmental issues have continually presented as priority issues, it has failed to integrate as a part of the municipal government. This shows that the efforts of political actors have not been sufficient to sustain progressive environmental regimes with environmental issues despite the initial motivation of the state.
Hamburg's development politics like "metropolis Hamburg - a growing city" demonstrates an important economic and demographic growth during 1997 to 2008. Beyond the positive factors with the idea of creative city, only selected class of people are involved in the city's active living, the others experience only gentrification. The G$\ddot{a}$ngeviertel, where the Hamburg's working class and dockworkers had lived, will be analysed as a historical important place of the gentrification since the end of the 19'century. This paper focuses on the actual Hamburg's movement of the initiatives "Komm in die G$\ddot{a}$nge" and " Right to the City", which took over the last 12 buildings of the G$\ddot{a}$ngeviertel. The G$\ddot{a}$ngeviertel Project, with the slogan "the city is neither a business nor a brand, but a community" could be an example of an alternative and sustainable solution for better living in the urban area of the Hamburg.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.26
no.3
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pp.52-65
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1998
It has been recognized that the cityscate identity is a very important factor in a modern city. It is necessary to have a variable view to urban comunities for understanding the cityscape identity. We have investigated the contents of archaic texts such as the geography for tracing a cityscape identity to its origin in a city. Because it has been written about politics, economics and culture of a specific area in the geography based on deep interest to the city, we can look into the early image of the cityscape closely after searching of archaic texts. It is also significant to stdy with archaic texts of geography since these studies have a correlatio to the understand of an area and the keeping of historical conscious which are fundamental of cityscape identity. We have studieds on the area of Cheongju from the middle of Chosun dynasty to the end of this kingdom, since that many geographies were described those days. It was selected "Go-Reo-Sa" and "Se-Jong-Sil-Lok" Geography, "Sin-Jeung-Dong-Guk-Y대-Ji-Seung-Lam" "Dae-Dong-Ji-Ji" "Dong-Guk- Yeo-Ji-Ji", "Jeug-Bo-Mun-Heon-Bi-Go Yeo-Ji-Go", and "Taek-Li-Ji", as archaic texts of geography because these texts described in detail about city and gave a clue to speculate an image of city. The major results are as follows; 1) It was described about the cityscape in those archaic texts are metaphysical image, existing and usable elements of cityscape, lost resources of cityscape. 2) The metaphysical images are neither objective nor consistent in the each archaic texts. But the metaphysical image of old city suggests good insight for the application to the modern city image. 3) It is necessary to the careful onsideration about the existing elements. 4) There are variable programs about the lost resources of the cityscape, in accordance with the possibility of the restoraton. 5) The physical and visible factors and non-physical and invisible factors are equally important elements of the cityscape identity. Our research suggests that it is necessary to understand in detail how those factors of cityscape identity have changed with the changes of the times, and how those factors affect the modern cityscape identity.
Moon Jae-in Care can be seen as a 2.0 version of Roh Moo-Hyun Care. Just as Roh Care failed to achieve its coverage rate goal and 30% share of public beds, Moon Care also failed to achieve its expected goal. The reason is that it followed Roh Care's failed strategy. Failure to control non-covered services has led to a long way to achieve a 70% coverage rate and induced the expansion of voluntary indemnity insurance, resulting in increased public burden. The universal coverage of non-covered services caused an immediate backlash from doctors. And Moon government also failed to control the private insurance market. The expansion of publicly owned beds has not become realized and has not obtained public support. Above all, it failed to overcome the resistance of doctors and failed to obtain consent from budget power groups in the cabinet for public investment. It was also insufficient to win the support of civic groups. Communication with interested groups failed and the role of private health care providers was neglected. The next government should also continue to strengthen health care coverage, but it should prioritize preventing medical poor and create a consensus with both medical providers and consumers for the control of non-covered services. Ahead of the super-aged society, the establishment of linkage between medical services and long-term care and visiting health care or welfare services is an important task. All public and private provisions and resources should be utilized in the view of a comprehensive public health perspective, and public investment should be input in sectors where public medical institutions can perform more effective functions. The next government, which will be launched in 2022, should design a new paradigm for health care in the face of a period of transformation, such as the coming super-aged society in 2026 and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, and recognize that the capabilities of the health care system represent the nation's overall capacity.
Site-specific performance is always the real on-site work taking place at the site. Hence, it deals with the reality, in other words, the time of creation and formation. And it creates value and meaning through the interaction and continuous direct communication process between the performers, audience and the local residents. In this performance, the audience's status as the passive observer changes. They become the co-agent who actively lead and complete the performance through their own experience. We have examined the The Working Methods of Site-specific Performance and Aesthetics of Effect through four Korean performances ; Marie, An aesthetic experiment of site as the storyteller; Heterotopia and Urban Movement Research or Play: We Will Move Your Sofa, as performances which have Revealed history, politics, institution engraved in the site ; A Song of Mandala and Miracle, as a ritualistic site-specific performance at the historic site. Some remarks on Site-specific performance ; First, In Site-specific performance, the habitus peculiar to the stage art and the mode of reception are changed. Second, a new mode of theatrical communication requires creator and audience to have a sharp aesthetic sensibility and to change one's perceptual habit. Third, Site-specific performance can act as a demonstration for the viewpoints of political activism through what could be called a dramatic close-up effect. Fourth, Site-specific performance also has the risk of merely becoming an unfocused and scattered performance or degenerating into a pseudo-sightseeing. To avoid this, an in-depth study of the site and its socio-cultural context, and the clear motivation with which one is trying to reveal and tell from the site must be indispensable. As the co-agent, the audience should also be aware and think about what the given performance signifies today.
When W. E. B. Du Bois says that "the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line," such a statement clearly recognizes the significance of the issue of racial identity, a cultural phenomenon called 'passing.' Both Johnson in The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man and Larsen in Passing confront this issue. Both novels, using the metaphor of passing, not only trace the racial anxiety and race politics of the time but also expose the unstable landscape of the established social and cultural boundaries of racial identity. Mapping out multiple meanings and various dimensions of passing, this paper argues how Johnson's and Larsen's narratives display the ambivalence of color line while they at the same time complicate, problematize, and destabilize the mainstream racial boundaries and differences. It furthers to delineate how the two writers, with difference, deal with the problem of passing, the significance of racial identity, and black middle class values along with its intraracial differences. Rather than draw a clear definition of and a definitive closure on passing narrative, this paper focuses on its complexities and undecidability, challenging every dimension of its established significations. It also explores the complex dynamic between passing act and individual identity, for passing here is not just a racially signified term but extends its significance to the other factors of identity, such as class and even sexuality. Johnson and Larsen open up a site for a newly emergent, modern racial identity for black middle class in the twentieth century American urban spaces. Both writers, illuminating the subversive and slippery nature of language in their passing narrative, clearly herald new, different forms of Afro-American writings and themes for the different century they face.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.22
no.2
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pp.307-330
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2016
This article aims to explain how Gangnam, as a model and standard of compressed urbanization in South Korea, was created. Gangnam and Gangnam-style urbanization need attention not only because they contrast with Korea's urbanization in the past as well as urbanization in the West but also they provide an important model in contemporary Korea's politics, economy and culture. However, there are little studies of how Gangnam's peculiar urbanism was created. To fill this gap, this article will first capture Gangnam's peculiar urbanism as a material landscape and sociocultural lifestyle. Gangnam-style urbanism is (a) materially characterized by high-rise apartment complexes owned by the middle and upper class for dwelling and asset growth and (b) socio-culturally characterized by political conservatism, public indifference, competition over academic performance, appearance, and fashion, and nightlife. Then it will show Gangnam's archetype was created in a spatially and temporally compressed way in and through the spatial selectivity of Korean anti-communist authoritarian developmental state strategies: (1) anti-communism led to the diffusion and accommodation of the population through apartments in Gangnam in the context of its confrontation with North Korea and the fast-growing population of Seoul; (2) military authoritarianism excluded the low-income class and the urban poor from urban development; and (3) the developmental state adopted selective housing policy which treated construction companies and the middle class preferentially through exceptional zoning and price distortions, promoting the construction of apartment in Gangnam and its resultant uneven development.
The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.44
no.2
/
pp.83-95
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2016
Strategies for parks and open spaces in the 21st century have moved from focusing on specific elements, such as quantitative growth and ecological and recreational aspects, to green infrastructure, which refers to a multi-functional network of open and green spaces offering a range of benefits. In the case of London, green infrastructure is realised as an integral part of urban infrastructure, involving physical and social infrastructure as well as practical spatial planning at the local level within statutory urban planning as part of a continuously developing green infrastructure framework with a theoretical basis. Taking this perspective, the present study looks at alterations to and developments in green infrastructure policies in the London Plan, the green grid framework as detailed in the city's strategic implementation of green infrastructure. Various trends and characteristics of the policies adopted in the London Plan and some implications are deduced, with three main results being identified. The first is a clear division of roles among the national government, Greater London Authority and borough councils, with local plans established under the guidance of the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) and the London Plan. Green infrastructure policies in the London Plan have been applied at a high rate in the boroughs' local plans, which leads to another, linked point. Secondly, green infrastructure policies and the green grid as an implementation framework have been consistently extended and developed through consolidating the London Plan, despite the change of government. Finally, in order to achieve the London Plan, the Mayor of London implemented policies by partnership and supporting programmes for London boroughs. Recently, the Seoul Metropolitan Authority introduced a parks and green spaces development policy, but the London case remains a good example; this is because green infrastructure policies in London were not a manifesto pledge but rather have been continuously and consistently advanced regardless of party politics and thus realised as long-term planning.
1. Retrospect of Political Geographic Studies since Liberation, 1945 : 1) Period from 1945 to mid 1960s : There was not political geography as a science in Korea at the time of liberation from Japan 1945. At that time were not pure political geographers in Korea. In 1947, Moon-Hwa Pyo, economics professor, published a book titled Outline of Korean Geopolitics. This book was a first one in the field of political geography and available at that time in the logical descriptions. Bok-Hyon Choi was a first political geographer who in 1959 wrote a book titled Political geography for the collegians of Seoul National University. Professor Choi introduced American-style political geography through the book above mentioned. In 1963, Kie-Joo Hyong published an article titled "Korean Unification: Possibility from the Geopolitical Viewpoint" which was a first article published by Korean young scholar who studied geography in this country. 2) Period from late 1960s to late 1980s : Both Yoon Cha and Duck-Soon Im published frequently several articles of political geography or geopolitics respectively in 1968-1969. And they issued geopolitical disputes on Korean geopolitical structure and an application of rimland theory to Korean peninsula in 1969 through a magazine named Joung-Kyong Younku (the political and economic researches). The disputes played an important role of showing political geography (or geopolitics) to political sciences especially international political Science. Active researches still continued in 1970s. In that atmosphere the first Korean book of political geography written by a post-liberation scholar (Duck-Soon Im) titled Principles of Political Geography was published in 1973. This book was influenced much by American political geography after Second World War. In 1980s, the researches continued more actively. Especially administrative districts, capital cities, and sub-capital cities were frequently studied during this period. 3) Period from late 1980s to Present: Recent Studies : 1985 was a year of much production of articles of political geography. The first Ph.D thesis of political geography published in the same year in our country. And since 1985 produced many M.A. articles. Several categories of esearches of political geography was made in the period from late 1980s to present. Capital cities, Korean unification, administrative districts, urban politics, elections, sub-capital cities, and defense walls were important research categories. Reviewing the researches from 1945 to present. I found eight categories of political geography in Korea: capital cities, administrative districts, geopolitical structure of Korean peninsula, division and unification of Korea, sub-capital cities, defense walls, elections, and urban politics. Each category includes several scholars respectiveiy. 2. Study Tasks and Prospects in Korean Political Geography: In relation to Korean circumstances there are three study-tasks. The first task of Korean people is unification of two Koreas. Political geographers of Korea must al survey titled Survey Methods of Human Geography for collegians. This book was first one on survey part in Korea. The book however, is insufficient in comprehensiveness in aspects too. I think that the important tasks of general-synoptic human geography in Korea are \circled1 publication of comprehensive books of human geography in the aspects and methodologies for collegians and \circled2 acceptance of academic world of human geography in Korea of variety in methodologies of human geography for future progress. progress.
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