• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.143-177
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• 2021

In the history of Korean literature, evaluations on 『Jirisan』 (Lee Byeong-ju) are bisected. Some evaluate it as a novel of authentic records which reproduces the history before and after the emancipation objectively while others say it takes advantage of anti-communistic ideology. This study analyzes that difference is resulted not from the distinction of perspectives but from cracks in the text. This is associated with the process of 『Jirisan』's publication. 『Jirisan』 was published serially in 『Sedae』 from 1972, and then, part of the manuscript was published in 1978 and the whole edition published in a series came to be republished in 1981. After that, in 1981 and 1985, part of the follow-up story was printed on the magazine, and then, with the memoirs of those two years as materials, the sixth and seventh volumes were again published through 'revision'. In other words, the publication of 『Jirisan』 is divided into that of the edition published in a series and that of the edition published in 1985 including the contents of revision. The theme of the work, 『Jirisan』 differs according to the point of its completion you may think of. This researcher pays attention to the difference of perspectives between the contents up to the fifth volume and those of the sixth and seventh volumes. Particularly, his evaluation on 'partisans' seems to have changed. In the edition published in a series, he extended 'partisans' into the independence movement in the Japanese colonial era under the Revitalizing Reforms system and adopted the representation of 'partisans' three-dimensionally whereas in the sixth and seventh volumes, he reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were the 'doctrinaire' and 'vicious' 'Reds' and had to be punished. In brief, with 『Jirisan』, he represented 'partisans' in the background of history before and after the emancipation and segmented the discourse, representation and ideology of the Cold War system, but in the process of revision, he stitched up 'partisans' as beings that were evil and losers. Consequently, with 『Jirisan』, he revealed the process of division and contention that proceeded around anti-communism/capitalism within the abyss of the 1970's to 80's and reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were either 'hostile (the Reds)' or 'unknown (losers)

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.24-33
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• 2022

The travel notes and nature poems found in historic literary men's works can be considered historical records related to scenic sites. Such travel notes and nature poems are based on the writers' personal characters, experiences, learning and etc. Such works clearly show the characters of each literature, information of the related objects and the writers' thoughts of the objects. This study, thus, looked into Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain that could be the origin of Eobusa(漁父詞) loved and sung by Korean historic literary men, and found that the Korean and Chinese literary men's thoughts were shown through their ways to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain and their Euisang on the mountain, which was different between the Korean and Chinese literary men depending on the geographical locations described in their poems. In detail, the study results are: 1. Such difference of the ways to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain, the scenic site described in historic Korean and Chinese literary men's work is broadly classified into the ways to enjoy the scenic site by seeing it in person and the ways to enjoy it under the mental structure of speculation. 2. Xīsāishān Mountain in Wuxing is the background of Yújiāzi(漁家子) of the painting Zhāngzhìhé, is boasting its distinguished beautiful nature, and is the place where the Confucian Study of Hú(湖學) was originated. It is also the place known of its warmhearted climate. Therefore, Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain under such beautiful and warmhearted circumstance are realized as the complete freedom and seclusion in Taoism and the satisfaction with the given environment and position in Confucianism. 3. Xīsāishān Mountain in Wǔchāng is a military strategic point with rugged mountain terrain and scenery that has been a historic ferocious battlefield and related with the loyal civil servant Qū Yuán. The Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain in Wǔchāng, therefore, represents the nature scenery of a rugged fortress and patriotism of Confucianism. 4. The Korean literary men's way to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain is Shinyu(神遊: spiritual travel), so that their Euisang is formed according to the direction of the writer's values. Especially it is noted that Korean Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain is originally based on the painting Zhāngzhìhé that shows the complete free mood of Taoism; and the Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain that came from the mindful image by the poet monk Qíjǐ of Tang dynasty and Kim Si-seup appears with such Buddhist ways to seek the truth as SakGongIlYeo(色空一如: Being full is essentially as same as being vacant) and GyeonSeongSeongBul(見性成佛: Everybody can become Buddha by enlightenment).

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.35-77
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• 2023

As the amendment to the Personal Information Protection Act, which newly established the basis for the right to request transmission of personal information, was promulgated through the plenary session of the National Assembly, MyData, which was previously applied only to the financial sector, could spread to all fields. The right to request transmission of personal information is the right of the information subject to be guaranteed for the realization of MyData. However, since the right to request transmission of personal information stipulated in the Personal Information Protection Act is designed to be applied to all fields, not a special field such as the medical field, it has many shortcomings to act as a core basis for implementing MyData in Medicine. Based on this awareness of the problem, this paper compares and analyzes major legal trends related to the right to portability of personal health information at home and abroad, and examines the limitations of Korea's Personal Information Protection Act and Medical Act in realizing Medical MyData. Under the Personal Information Protection Act, the right to request transmission of personal information is insufficient to apply to the medical field, such as the scope of information to be transmitted, the transmission method, and the scope of the person obligated to perform the transmission, etc.. Regulations on the right to access medical information and transmission of medical records under the Medical Act also have limitations in implementing the full function of Medical My Data in that the target information and the leading institution are very limited. In order to overcome these limitations, this paper prepared a separate and independent special law to regulate matters related to the use and protection of personal health information as a measure to improve the legal system that can effectively guarantee the right to portability of personal health information, taking into account the specificity of the medical field. It was proposed to specifically regulate the contents of the movement and transmission system of personal health information.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.44
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• pp.213-261
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• 2023

The purpose of this article was to examine whether the parallel passages from The Canonical Scripture and Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi (甑山天師公事記 Records of the Reordering Works of Celestial Master Jeungsan), the first full-length record related to the life of Kang Jeungsan compiled by Lee Sang-ho, indicate the same chronology. A comparison of the contents between The Canonical Scripture and Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi revealed the following. The contents of The Canonical Scripture are categorized by a table of contents. By way of contrast, the contents of Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi, is organized year by year. When parallel passages appear, the two texts tend to indicate the same year for specific events, but the chronology of some events do not match. A comparison of the contents of The Canonical Scripture and the first edition of Daesoon Jeongyeong (大巡典經 The Canonical Scripture of the Great Itineration) shows the following. Once again, the contents of The Canonical Scripture are organized via a table of contents. The contents of the first edition of the Daesoon Jeongyeong are also indicated through a table of contents. When lined up for comparison, most of the passages show the same content to have occurred in matching years. However, new contents are contained in this record that were absent in Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi. All of these texts contain a summary of the life of Kang Jeung-san; however, they are organized differently. Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi presents that summary chronologically (year by year with some gaps in years). Daesoon Jeongyeong and The Canonical Scripture both feature a table of contents wherein chapters are based around specific themes. One key takeaway is that different passages appear in the contents of each text. Also, The Canonical Scripture and the first edition of the Daesoon Jeongyeong contain some parallel passages wherein the two texts disagree on what year some events took place. Despite the different style of organization, Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi and The Canonical Scripture can still be compared and such comparison shows the same pattern as comparison between The Canonical Scripture and Daesoon Jeongyeong. As a result of organizing and comparing the contents of the table of contents with the chronological record, the parallel passages wherein chronology is disputed can be highlighted and the introduction of new passages can also be shown.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.269-305
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• 2020

Youngsan is generally known as Pansori Danga(短歌). However, the contents of 'Yeongsan' in 『Songnamjabji』 are different. In 『Songnamjabji』, Cho Jaesam explained the contents related to 'Youngsan' using three kinds of poems: Shin Kwangsoo's poem, Baegho Imje's poem, Kim Myeongwon's poem. First, 'Ujo Youngsan' appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem. Shin Kwangsoo wrote the (1750) when Yoo Jinhan's 『Manhwajib(晩華集)』(1754) was published. It is difficult to see the 'Ujo Youngsan', which appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem written in a time when Pansori was not widely known, as the Pansori Danga. Second, Jo Jaesam called the music in Baegho Imje's poem 'Youngsan Dodeueum'. In 'Youngsan Dodeueum', flute and 'Dodeuli rhythm' were used. This fact is connected with , an instrumental music. , also a Buddhist term, continued to be used in the palace as well as among the people. Third, Cho Jaesam introduced Kim Myeongwon's poem in 'Yeongsan' part and called it 'Taryeong.' At that time, the term 'Taryeong' referred to both Pansori and Jeongga(正歌). Later, in the 19th century, 'Youngsan' was recorded as a term for the Danga to loosen the neck before Pansori began in earnest. In other words, the early 'Yeongsan' recorded in 『Songnamjabji』 was a Buddhist term, referring to the music of the upper class Seonbi, such as , Gasa(歌詞) and Sijo(時調). In 1855, when 『Songnamjabji』 was written, 'Youngsan' was used as a term used to refer to both Changbu-Music and Gagaek(歌客)-Music, mixed with the term 'Taryeong'. And as Pansori became popular, the term 'Taryeong' came to be called 'Pansori' and 'Youngsan' was used to refer to Pansori Danga. Therefore, all the records of 'Youngsan' should not be interpreted as Pansori Danga. This situation is closely related to religious and social change. The policy of worshipping Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism rejected the term 'Youngsan' which had a Buddhist meaning. In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, when Buddhism was suppressed, 'Youngsan' and 'Taryeong' were mixed. As Buddhism regrown in the late Joseon Dynasty, with the advent of Pansori, the term 'Youngsan' seems to be newly resettled in the sense of Danga. Pansori appeared in the 19th century and 'Yeongsan' was used as a Danga. And the reason should be regarded as this social and religious change.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.415-455
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• 2019

This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and "The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju's Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as and , was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.393-425
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• 2019

This paper focuses on Alain Resnais's representative works (1955), (1959), and (1963), and analyzes how he implements a representation of memory though cinematic apparatus. These three films deal with horrific memories that seem impossible to reproduce aesthetically such as the Holocaust, the Hiroshima Atomic Bomb, World War II, and the war in Algeria. The reappearance of events that stripped humans of even their minimum dignity can naturally be associated with ethical issues. These events can never be reproduced because they cannot be explained in the human language. It is also impossible to reproduce in a way that doesn't invade other peoples' sufferings, nor displays the pain of others as spectacles. Alain Resnais was a director who realized that if factual representation was not possible from the beginning, truthfulness would have to be approached through cinematic form. Therefore, he tries to overcome these problems through cinematic forms. First, he shifts to action films to avoid the obscenity of documentary. shows the records of camps captured by German forces in the past, while shows the pain of others in a fictional form of representation. Next, he describes how the trauma affects the identity of the main character through a flashback in , but also shows a main character who is experiencing trauma without a flashback in Flashbacks have the effect of showing the effects of trauma on the main character, but at the same time they involve the obscenity of enjoying the suffering of others. Nonetheless, the absence of flashbacks highlights the impossibility of representation. This is because it is not silent in the impossibility of representation but is constantly approaching. The attitude that repeatedly circles around impossibility is an ethical form that maximizes the impossibility of representation. In conclusion, this is the ethics of representation that Alain Resnais showed in his films.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.80-98
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• 2023

In the late Joseon Dynasty, when the bride would ride a palanquin when she went to live with her in-laws, it was a custom to cover the palanquin with tiger skin to ward off misfortunes that may come her way. The higher classes used tiger skin or leopard skin for this purpose, but the common people had to substitute this expensive item with a tiger pattern painted on a blanket. Such blankets were called hotanja, hogu, hoguyok and the like. The term "hotanja" is a pure Korean word. It is not known when the cover for the bridal palanquin was first used, but it was popular from the end of the 19^th century and then gradually disappeared. This is due to the introduction of new Western style weddings that eliminated the need for a bridal palanquin. The tiger print blanket was used not only to cover the bride's palanquin but also to cover a table or floor during the wedding ceremony. This study ran a material analysis on nine pieces of tiger print blankets. All of the blanket artifacts examined in this study had an outer cover and a lining made of fabric that used cotton thread for the warp and wool thread for the weft. Two kinds of wool were found in the weft thread in the outer covers: fat-tailed sheep hair from China and goat hair for carpets from the Hebei province, China. Records show that "blankets with painted tiger patterns" were imported from Russia, and the imported blankets were from Russia and China. The outer cover can be categorized into six types, and the lining into three types depending on the weave and direction of the thread twist. The hem facing can be divided into four types. The lining and outer cover use the full width of the fabric, which was woven in wide widths of 135 cm or wider. The tiger pattern on the blanket was made by stenciling. The stencil design of the body and tail of the tiger were placed on a red blanket to be painted in white, and then the background color of the tiger, which is yellow, would be painted over the white, and then black stripes would be added. The pattern of the tiger varies, which shows that the blankets were made by various craftspeople. The pattern of the tiger print blanket is usually of a tiger lying down, but there were tiger print blankets with a tiger standing up. The pattern of the tiger grew smaller over time, and flower patterns were added in the background. Decorative elements were gradually added to the tiger print blanket patterns, but its function as a palanquin cover became lost. By taking the features of tiger print blankets into consideration, it can be assumed that there are imported pieces among the remaining pieces, and were produced in various places because it was popular at that time.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.379-418
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• 2009

This study is a link in a chain which grope for the description of puppet performance history. This study imply my intention which is not a description of puppet performance 'history' but a description of 'puppet performance' history. Object materials of this study is materials connected with puppet performance from ancient times to Chosun dynasty. Object materials of this study include not only records but also remains and pictures. Discussion start with regulation of puppet performance materials and establishment of a classification criterion. As a result of that discussion, the age of puppet performance is as follows: 'the age of diverse use of puppet', 'the age of ritual puppet performance of worship', 'the age of play puppet performance of handling', 'the age of ritual puppet performance of display', 'the age of ritual puppet performance of expulsion', 'the age of ritual puppet performance of handling', 'the age of play puppet performance of display', 'the age of play puppet performance of handling and voice-acting'. According to the internal division of age, the description of puppet performance history which is spread chronologically is attempted. As a result of the description, I confirm that puppet performance reveal a one's unfolding process. And a distinct aspect from the general cultu! re history is found. The development process which is a changeover that is 'from ritual puppet performance to play puppet performance' is amended by a circulation of ritual puppet performance and play puppet performance'. And the development process which is a changeover 'from static puppet to dynamic puppet' is amended by a circulation of static puppet and dynamic puppet'. Like this the thing which is laid in the inside which is not a one sided changeover but is a circulation is said that from one age of puppet performance to other age of puppet performance is not a close of former puppet performance tradition. Unfolding from one age to other age, on the other hand former puppet performance reveal aspect which is a continuance and change with a one's vitality. And a relation of mutual influence is exist between the ritual puppet performance and the play puppet performance on a large scale, among the puppet performance types on a small scale. this also don't overlook in cas! e of a groping of puppet performance history.