• Title/Summary/Keyword: U.S. presidential election

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Statistical Outliers in Florida Counties at the Presidential Election 2000 (2000년 미국대선 플로리다주의 투표결과 분석)

  • 김현철
    • The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.21-32
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    • 2002
  • We searched out in the votes data of the State of Florida at presidential election 2000. We used a multivariate regression analysis. We got there were several outliers including Palm Beach County. It means that we should analyze the number of disqualified ballots which were double-punched as well as the votes, to insist the " Butterfly Ballot" made Palm Beach outlier.

Ideological Discrepancies in News Media: Focusing on the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election (뉴스미디어에서의 이데올로기 차이: 2016년 미국 대선을 중심으로)

  • Noh, Bokyung;Ban, Hyun
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.3 no.4
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    • pp.101-106
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    • 2017
  • This paper investigates how news media frame news editorials to deliver their subjective ideological stance through news discourse related with two candidates in 2016 U.S presidential election. For this purpose, 13 editorials were chosen and analyzed which appeared on the New York Time for the period from Sept. 1 to Sept. 30, almost two months prior to the election, giving special attention to the headlines of those editorials and the expressive linguistic forms in the selected two articles, based on the two theoretical frameworks-van Dijk' (1996)'s ideological square and Martin and White (2005)'s Appraisal Theory. The results are as follows: (1) editorials clearly supported Hillary Clinton; (2) following the appraisal theory, the category of 'feeling' was applied in expressing the preference for Hillary, whereas the strategy of judgment for Trump, where the strategy of 'emphasis' from the ideological framework were used for both candidates.

Myanmar in 2016: Starting of New Era, But Uncertain Future (미얀마 2016: 새로운 시대의 시작, 불안한 미래)

  • JANG, Jun Young
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.185-212
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    • 2017
  • The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

A Case Study of Cognitive Warfare in the Israel-Palestinian Conflict in 2021 (2021년 이스라엘-팔레스타인 분쟁에서의 인지전 사례 연구)

  • Cho, Sang Keun;Choi, Soon Sik;Woo, Seong Ha;Kim, Ki Won;Lee, Seung Hyun;Park, Sang Hyuk
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.8 no.6
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    • pp.537-542
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    • 2022
  • The "cognitive warfare," which has emerged as a result of the Ukrainian-Russian war, has already existed in the previous war and is now emerging as a major aspect of the war, its meaning and influence are increasing. Recognizing the emergence and importance of cognitive warfare and understanding the meaning and characteristics of cognitive warfare must be accompanied by victory in the modern war. After Russia's alleged involvement in the U.S. presidential election in 2016 drew attention, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in 2021 confirmed its upward influence. In particular, 'cognitive warfare' using SNS played a major role in leading the war to its advantage and maintaining the initiative by selecting clear purposes and targets such as the international community, the people, and Hamas. This new pattern of war is gradually emerging as the world is hyper connected with the advent of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. It is expected that it will play a leading role in the future battle if it clearly recognizes the main contents of the new war, "Injijeon," and has the ability and ability to actively operate it.

Southeast Asia and ASEAN in 2016: Disappointing Records and Increasing Uncertainty (동남아와 아세안 2016: 기대와 혼돈 속에 커져가는 불확실성)

  • SHIN, Yoon Hwan
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.95-129
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    • 2017
  • This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.