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Studies on Genetice of Blast Resistance in Rice L Inheritance of Resistance to Specific Races of Blast Fungus and Relationship between Their Resistance and II, VIII, XI and XII Linkage Groups in Some Rice Varieties (수도품종의 도열병 저항성 유전분석 제1보 특정 도열병 균계에 대한 저항성 품종들의 저항성 유전분리와 II, VIII, XI 및 XII번 연관과의 관계)

  • Chae, Y.A.;Park, S.Z.;Ha, S.B.
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.26 no.1
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    • pp.32-39
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    • 1981
  • In order to study the genetic system of the blast resistant varieties, the conidial suspension of mutant races of T-2$^{+t}$, N-2$^{+t}$, C-8$^{+t}$ was inoculated at 4-5 leaf stage by injector for F_2 seedlings from the crosses between seven resistant varieties and four maker lines easily detectable at seedling stage. The results are summarized as follows; 1. The fertility of cross between Semi-dwaf testers and Indica resistant varieties except Carreon was about 74 percents. 2. The segregation modes of resistance varied with varieties and blast races. However, the resistance was expressed as dominance in all cases. Tetep, Tadukan and Carreon showed more complicated segregation for resistance than that of the bred lines. 3. For blast races used, four segregation ratios such as 3:1, 9:7, 13:3 and 37:27 were found in the Tatukan, Tetep, and IR747, and three segregation ratios such as 3:1, 13:3 and 15:1 in the Carreon, and two segregation ratios of 3:1 and 13:3 with Suweon 287, Suweon 288, and Iri342. 4. In the segregation of the resistance to the each races, the ratios of 3:1, 13:3, 15:1 were fitted to T-2$^{+t}$, and the ratios of 3:1, 13:3, 9:7 and 37:27 to N-2$^{+t}$ and C-8$^{+t}$. 5. Suweon 287, Suweon 288 and Iri342 carried one simple dominant gene and inhibitor gene was considered in some cross combinations. Meanwhile Tadukan, Tetep and IR747 seemed to carry one to three resistant genes, and in some cross combinations, the expression of these genes were simple dominant, inhibiting, duplicating and complimentary action. 6. Resistance genes to blast races, T-2$^{+t}$, N-2$^{+t}$ and C-8$^{+t}$ in the Tadukan, Tetep, Carreon, Suweon 287, Suweon 288 and Iri342 were found to be independent with the linkage group of II(lg), VIII(la), XI(bc), and XII(gl).bc), and XII(gl).

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Difference in Patient's Work of Breathing Between Pressure-Controlled Ventilation with Decelerating Flow and Volume-Controlled Ventilation with Constant Flow during Assisted Ventilation (보조환기양식으로서 감속형유량의 압력-조절환기와 일정형유량의 용적-조절환기에서 환자의 호흡일의 차이)

  • Kim, Ho-Cheol;Park, Sang-Jun;Park, Jung-Woong;Suh, Gee-Young;Chung, Man-Pyo;Kim, Ho-Joong;Kwon, O-Jung;Rhee, Chong-H.
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.46 no.6
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    • pp.803-810
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    • 1999
  • Background : The patient's work of breathing(WOBp) during assisted ventilation may vary according to many factors including ventilatory demand of the patients and applied ventilatory setting by the physician. Pressure-controlled ventilation(PCV) which delivers gas with decelerating flow may better meet patients' demand to improve patient-ventilator synchrony compared with volume-controlled ventilation(VCV) with constant flow. This study was conducted to compare the difference in WOBp in two assisted modes of ventilation, PCV and VCV with constant flow. Methods : Ten patients with respiratory failure were included in this study. Initially, the patients were placed on VCV with constant flow at low tidal volume($V_{T,\;LOW}$)(6-8 ml/kg) or high tidal volume($V_{T,\;HIGH}$)(10-12 ml/kg). After a 15 minute stabilization period, VCV with constant flow was switched to PCV and pressure was adjusted to maintain the same tidal volume($V_T$) received on VCV. Other ventilator settings were kept constant. Before changing the ventilatory mode, WOBp, $V_T$, minute ventilation($V_E$), respiratory rate(RR), peak airway pressure (Ppeak), peak inspiratory flow rate(PIFR) and pressure-time product(PTP) were measured. Results : The mean $V_E$ and RR were not different between PCV and VCV during the study period. The Ppeak was significantly lower in PCV than in VCV during $V_{T,\;HIGH}$. HIGH ventilation(p<0.05). PIFR was significantly higher in PCV than in VCV at both $V_T$ (p<0.05). During $V_{T,\;LOW}$ ventilation, WOBp and PTP in PCV($0.80{\pm}0.37\;J/min$, $164.5{\pm}74.4\;cmH_2O.S$) were significantly lower than in VCV($1.06{\pm}0.39J/mm$, $256.4{\pm}107.5\;cmH_2O.S$)(p<0.05). During $V_{T,\;HIGH}$ ventilation, WOBp and PTP in PCV($0.33{\pm}0.14\;J/min$, $65.7{\pm}26.3\;cmH_2O.S$) were also significantly lower than in VCV($0.40{\pm}0.14\;J/min$, $83.4{\pm}35.1\;cmH_2O.S$)(p<0.05). Conclusion : During assisted ventilation, PCV with decelerating flow was more effective in reducing WOBp than VCV with constant flow. But since individual variability was shown, further studies are needed to confirm these results.

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If This Brand Were a Person, or Anthropomorphism of Brands Through Packaging Stories (가설품패시인(假设品牌是人), 혹통과고사포장장품패의인화(或通过故事包装将品牌拟人化))

  • Kniazeva, Maria;Belk, Russell W.
    • Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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    • v.20 no.3
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    • pp.231-238
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    • 2010
  • The anthropomorphism of brands, defined as seeing human beings in brands (Puzakova, Kwak, and Rosereto, 2008) is the focus of this study. Specifically, the research objective is to understand the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike. By analyzing consumer readings of stories found on food product packages we intend to show how marketers and consumers humanize a spectrum of brands and create meanings. Our research question considers the possibility that a single brand may host multiple or single meanings, associations, and personalities for different consumers. We start by highlighting the theoretical and practical significance of our research, explain why we turn our attention to packages as vehicles of brand meaning transfer, then describe our qualitative methodology, discuss findings, and conclude with a discussion of managerial implications and directions for future studies. The study was designed to directly expose consumers to potential vehicles of brand meaning transfer and then engage these consumers in free verbal reflections on their perceived meanings. Specifically, we asked participants to read non-nutritional stories on selected branded food packages, in order to elicit data about received meanings. Packaging has yet to receive due attention in consumer research (Hine, 1995). Until now, attention has focused solely on its utilitarian function and has generated a body of research that has explored the impact of nutritional information and claims on consumer perceptions of products (e.g., Loureiro, McCluskey and Mittelhammer, 2002; Mazis and Raymond, 1997; Nayga, Lipinski and Savur, 1998; Wansik, 2003). An exception is a recent study that turns its attention to non-nutritional packaging narratives and treats them as cultural productions and vehicles for mythologizing the brand (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). The next step in this stream of research is to explore how such mythologizing activity affects brand personality perception and how these perceptions relate to consumers. These are the questions that our study aimed to address. We used in-depth interviews to help overcome the limitations of quantitative studies. Our convenience sample was formed with the objective of providing demographic and psychographic diversity in order to elicit variations in consumer reflections to food packaging stories. Our informants represent middle-class residents of the US and do not exhibit extreme alternative lifestyles described by Thompson as "cultural creatives" (2004). Nine people were individually interviewed on their food consumption preferences and behavior. Participants were asked to have a look at the twelve displayed food product packages and read all the textual information on the package, after which we continued with questions that focused on the consumer interpretations of the reading material (Scott and Batra, 2003). On average, each participant reflected on 4-5 packages. Our in-depth interviews lasted one to one and a half hours each. The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed, providing 140 pages of text. The products came from local grocery stores on the West Coast of the US and represented a basic range of food product categories, including snacks, canned foods, cereals, baby foods, and tea. The data were analyzed using procedures for developing grounded theory delineated by Strauss and Corbin (1998). As a result, our study does not support the notion of one brand/one personality as assumed by prior work. Thus, we reveal multiple brand personalities peacefully cohabiting in the same brand as seen by different consumers, despite marketer attempts to create more singular brand personalities. We extend Fournier's (1998) proposition, that one's life projects shape the intensity and nature of brand relationships. We find that these life projects also affect perceived brand personifications and meanings. While Fournier provides a conceptual framework that links together consumers’ life themes (Mick and Buhl, 1992) and relational roles assigned to anthropomorphized brands, we find that consumer life projects mold both the ways in which brands are rendered humanlike and the ways in which brands connect to consumers' existential concerns. We find two modes through which brands are anthropomorphized by our participants. First, brand personalities are created by seeing them through perceived demographic, psychographic, and social characteristics that are to some degree shared by consumers. Second, brands in our study further relate to consumers' existential concerns by either being blended with consumer personalities in order to connect to them (the brand as a friend, a family member, a next door neighbor) or by distancing themselves from the brand personalities and estranging them (the brand as a used car salesman, a "bunch of executives.") By focusing on food product packages, we illuminate a very specific, widely-used, but little-researched vehicle of marketing communication: brand storytelling. Recent work that has approached packages as mythmakers, finds it increasingly challenging for marketers to produce textual stories that link the personalities of products to the personalities of those consuming them, and suggests that "a multiplicity of building material for creating desired consumer myths is what a postmodern consumer arguably needs" (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007). Used as vehicles for storytelling, food packages can exploit both rational and emotional approaches, offering consumers either a "lecture" or "drama" (Randazzo, 2006), myths (Kniazeva and Belk, 2007; Holt, 2004; Thompson, 2004), or meanings (McCracken, 2005) as necessary building blocks for anthropomorphizing their brands. The craft of giving birth to brand personalities is in the hands of writers/marketers and in the minds of readers/consumers who individually and sometimes idiosyncratically put a meaningful human face on a brand.

Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.