• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제20권2호
• /
• pp.108-128
• /
• 2021

Research on the news coverage of North Korea has been paying less attention to social media platforms than to legacy media. An increasing number of social media users post, retweet, share, interpret, and set agendas on North Korea. The accessibility of international users and North Korea's publicity purposes make social media a venue for expression, news diversity, and framing about the nation. This study examined the sentiment of Twitter posts on North Korea from a framing perspective and the relationship between network strengths and sentiment from a social network perspective. Data were collected using two tools: Jupyter Notebook with Python 3.6 for preliminary analysis and NodeXL for main analysis. A total of 11,957 tweets, 10,000 of which were collected using Python and 1,957 tweets using NodeXL, about North Korea between June 20-21, 2020 were collected. Results demonstrated that there was more negative sentiment than positive sentiment about North Korea in the sampled Twitter posts. Some users belonging to small network sizes reached out to others on Twitter to build networks and spread positive information about North Korea. Influential users tended to be impartial to sentiment about North Korea, while some Twitter users with a small network exhibited high percentages of positive words about North Korea. Overall, marginalized populations with network bonding were more likely to express positive sentiment about North Korea than were influencers at the center of networks.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제19권2호
• /
• pp.234-263
• /
• 2020

This study aims to assess the quality of the EU's public diplomacy efforts through social media. Specifically, this research explores the headquarters of European public diplomacy (European External Action Service, EEAS) and its subordinate agent (EU Delegation to South Korea, EUDK). The main research question is "how coherently and effectively does the EU execute public diplomacy strategies in the third countries?'' This study employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches―the former for the results presentation and the latter for the results interpretation. The results are summarized in two points. First, both the EEAS and the EUDK maintained an objective position by posting only neutral perspectives on their social media. Second, the narratives of the main actors were the same, but the main themes were different according to their contexts. The analysis discusses the effectiveness of the EU's strategic narratives by focusing on measuring message reception. Its limited findings were that social media postings could not induce the audiences' active discussion of the EU's diplomatic performances. The conclusion suggests that the EU should identify the expectations from its global counterparts and use these to forge the Union's strategic narratives.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제19권1호
• /
• pp.43-58
• /
• 2020

This study examines media used for information in the East Asian countries of China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, using data from the World Values Survey. The sharing of Confucian culture may lead to a uniform media structure across these nations. Another possibility is technological determinism, which would also lead to similarity across nations. However, it is possible that countries are at different stages of technology development and will eventually become more similar. An opposing notion is that differences in other values among nations predict digital media use. To examine the evidence considering these possibilities, we factor analyze each population's use of nine traditional and digital media to see how similar the structures are. What results is a three-dimensional solution for four out of five countries, except Singapore, which has a more simple two-dimensional structure. Analysts regard Singapore as the most digitally connected society, which raises the question as to whether it is higher on a technological development trajectory, to which other countries may transition. Perhaps a more simple media use structure is an adaptation to increasing information load. As well, as mobile devices have become a primary means of accessing the range of traditional and social media, it may have an expanded role in reducing media channel entropy. In terms of frequency of media use, Singapore is highest, while China is the lowest. Singapore stands out in high mobile use, and China for low Internet use. There appear to be developmental differences across the nations. Regressions on Internet use for 18 values indices find different values predictors in the East Asian countries, ruling out Confucianism as producing similar media patterns.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제16권1호
• /
• pp.1-21
• /
• 2017

The Jakarta Provincial Government utilizes the YouTube channel to interact with citizens and enhance transparency. The purpose of this study is to explore online perceptions of local government image perceived by online audiences through the YouTube platform. The concepts of organizational image and credibility in the political image are adapted to analyze online public perceptions on the Jakarta Provincial Government image. Using the video summarization approach on Three hundred and forty-six official YouTube videos, which were uploaded from 1 March 2016 to 31 May 2016, and content analysis of Eight thousand two hundred and thirty-seven comments, this study shows both political and bureaucratic image emerge concurrently in the Jakarta Provincial Government case. The typology model is proposed to describe and explain the four image variations that occurred in the case study. Practical recommendations are suggested to manage YouTube channel as one of the social media used in the local government context.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제12권1호
• /
• pp.65-79
• /
• 2013

This paper examines communication patterns of key Twitter users by considering the socially and politically controversial Sejong City issue in South Korea. The network and message data were drawn from twtkr.com. Social network-based indicators and visualization methods were used to analyze political discourse among key Twitter users over time and illustrate various types of Tweets by these users and the interconnection between these key users. In addition, the study examines general Twitter users' participation in the discussion on the issue. The results indicate that some Twitter profiles of media outlets tend to be very dominant in terms of their message output, whereas their Tweets are not likely to be circulated by other users. Noteworthy is that Twitter profiles of individuals who are geographically affiliated with the issue are likely to play an important role in the flow of communication.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제12권1호
• /
• pp.5-20
• /
• 2013

Social media holds the potential to facilitate vertical political communication by giving citizens the opportunity to interact directly with their representatives. However, skeptics claim that even when politicians use "interactive media," they avoid direct engagement with constituents, using technology to present a façade of interactivity instead of a genuine dialogue. This study explores how elected officials in three regions of the world are using Twitter to interact with the public. Using the Twitter activity of 15 officials over a period of six months, we show that in addition to the structural features of Twitter that are designed to promote interaction, officials rely on language to foster or to avoid engagement. We also provide evidence that the existence of interactive features does not guarantee interactivity.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제18권2호
• /
• pp.68-89
• /
• 2019

When comparing media freedom in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand, so-called "fake news" appears as threats to a deliberative (online) public sphere in these three diverse contexts. However, "racist propaganda", "information operations" and "negative campaigning" might be more accurate terms that explain these forms of systematic manipulative political communication. The three cases show forms of disinformation in under-researched contexts and thereby expand the often Western focused discourses on hate speech and fake news. Additionally, the analysis shows that harmful disinformation disseminated online originates from differing contextual trajectories and is not an "online phenomenon". Drawing on an analysis of connotative context factors, this explorative comparative study enables an understanding of different forms of harmful disinformation in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand. The connotative context factors were inductively inferred from 32 expert interviews providing explanations for the formation of political communication (control) mechanisms.

• 한국통신학회논문지
• /
• 제25권9A호
• /
• pp.1299-1305
• /
• 2000

도래할 B-ISDN 환경하에서 중추적 역할을 할 ATM의 실현을 위해서는 다중매체의 통화유량을 최적하에 제어할 수 있는 방법이 제시되어야 한다. 그러나 다중매체 통화유량의 특성이 완전히 밝혀지지 못한 상태에서 ATM의 제어, 특히 최적한 폭주제어의 실현은 난제로 남아있다. 그러므로 본 논문에서는 다중매체 통화유량 모델을 시변비선형함수라 가정하고 이를 실시간 추정하기 위해 병렬로 연결된 3중의 신경망 모델을 제시하며 모의실험을 통해 시변비선형함수를 추정하여 ATM의 폭주제어에 이용될 수 있는 가능성을 보인다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제18권1호
• /
• pp.175-188
• /
• 2019

This study investigates public receptivity to celebrity's climate change advocacy on YouTube through a semantic network analysis. The results of this study suggest that the YouTube video generated a number of viewers' responses. Celebrity endorsement not only leaded public voices on climate change issue, but also their opinions on the celebrity endorser. This study found that most of viewers were polarized in their judgment and attitude toward the celebrity advocate either positively or negatively. This study offers an exploratory examination of the perceived star power and the role of celebrities as spokespersons for social causes. This study contributes to the theoretical foundation of the role of celebrity advocacy using social media. In addition, this study offers methodological insights into how to detect public perceptions and attitudes toward celebrity endorsement of social causes by analyzing public comments.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제18권1호
• /
• pp.49-69
• /
• 2019

Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.