• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 대한치과기공학회지
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.159-169
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• 1988

Fixed prosthetic appliance is the restorations of damaged teeth with cast metal or porcelain, and of replacing missing teeth with fixed, or cemented prosthesis. Successfully treating a patient by means of fixed prosthodontics requires the thoughtful combination of dentist and dental laboratory technician. In order to know the satisfaction of dentisits about fixed prosthetic appliances-porcelain, precious and non precious metal-, this study was conducted for 69 practicing dentisis in Pusan during Fed. to Mar. 1988 using a questionnaire method and was analyzed by the use of percentage, $X^2$-test The results are obtained as follow: 1. General characteristics of the respondents, The rate of age distribution of practcing dentists responded was as follow : 31$\sim$35 age group is 29.0%, 51$\sim$55age group 18.8%, 41$\sim$45 age group and 46$\sim$50 group each 11.6%, 36$\sim$40 age group and 56$\sim$60 age group 8.7%, over 60 age group 7.3%, below 30 age group 4.3% respectively. The tate of term of practice experience distribution of dentists responded was as follow : 6$\sim$10 year group 26.1%, 25$\sim$25year group 18.8%, 11$\sim$15 years group and 16~20 years group each 13.0%, below 5 years group and over 30 years group each 10.2%, 26$\sim$30 years group 8.7% in order. The rate of respondents’ degree was follow : bachelor group 81.2%, doctor group 13.0%, master group 5.8% in order. The rate of respondents’completed medical specialist course was as follow : non-complete group 75.4%, complete group 24.6%. The rate of having own laboratory in respondents’clinic was as follow : no having own laboratory group 58.0%, having own labiratory group 42.0% The rate of being lab. technician in respondent;s clinic was as follow: non-being lab. technician group 91.3%, being lab. technician group 8.7%. The rate of transactional commercial dental lab. numbers was as follow : I dental lab. group 40.6%, 2 dental lab. group 30.4%, 3 dental lab. group 20.3%, production at own lab. group 8.7% 2. Cognitions about the respondent's job, About cognition of patient numvers, there were neither many nor few group 62.3%, few group 17.4%, many group 15.9%, too many group 4.4% in order.(P<.01) As compared with the ratio of dentists to patient prothetic treatment, there were moderate level group 46.4%, high level group 33.6%, low level group 18.8% in order.(P<.01) By job satisfaction of respondents, the highest percentage group was satisfied group 44.9%, neither astisfied nor disstified group 33.3%, dissatisfied group 14.5%, much satisfied group 7.3%(P<.01). As compared with the level of prosthetics price, the were moderate level group 71.0%, low level group 23.2%, high level group 5.8%(P<.01) 3. Satisfaction and assessment of dissatisfied factor of the fixed prosthetic appliance, As compared with the satisfaction of al prosthetic appliance, there were neither satisfied nor dissatisfied group 59.4%, satisfied group 20.3% dissatisfied group 18.8%, much satisfied group 1.5% in order.(P<.01). About precious and non precious metal crown and bridge, there were neither satisfied nor dissatisfied group 60.9%, satisfied group 24.6%, dissatisfied group 11.6%, much satisfied group 2.9% in order.(P<.01) The reat of respondent;s satisfaction about porcelain crown and bridge was as follow : neither satisfied nor dissatisfied group 43.5%, dissatisfied group 33.3%, satisfied group 21.7%, much satisfied group 1.5%(P<.01). The rate of respondent's dissatisfied factor item of precious and non precious metal crown and bridge was as follow : inadequate margin fit item 39.1% respondent, inadequate occlusion item 24.6%, inadequate adaptation item 23.2%, poor anat omic form item 15.9%, inadequate contact item 31.9%, improper polishing item 4.4%, the rest item 11.6% respectively. The rate of respondent's dissatisfied factor item of porcelain crown and bridge was as follow : inadequate margin fit item 52.2%, inadequate occlusion item 2.9%, inadequate adaptation item 10.1%, poor anatomic form item 11.6%, improper polishing item 1.5%, shade mismatching item 71%, the rest item 7.2% respectively. The rate of cognition of respondents’ about cause of dissatisfied factor on fixed prosthetic appliance by item was as follow : deficiency of sincerity item 55.1%, deficiency of knowledge about work item 47.8%, deficiency of experience item 15.9%, poor quality of using material item 5.8%, the rest item 2.9% respectively.

• 한국치위생학회지
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.63-83
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• 2002

The purpose of this study was to serve as a basis for more efficient dental hygienist human resources utilization and for determining some of the right directions for supplementary education for dental hygienists, by examining how they actually worked and what they thought of job-related things. The subjects in this study were 537 dental hygienists who participated in a seminar by the Korea Dental Hygienist Association. After a survey was conducted, the following findings were given: 1. 50.2% of the dental hygienists investigated completed legally required eight-class education. Those who worked in clinics took less supplementary education classes than the others in the other types of dental institutions. The main reason they didn't receive supplementary education was financial burden and uncooperative employers. 73.2% took supplementary education at the association or its branches. The association was most favored by those in clinical sector as a place that provides supplementary education, followed by its branch and university in the order named. And the dental hygienists in public health sector preferred university most, and the next best favored one was the association and its branch in the order named. Those in clinical sector hoped to acquire clinical information on patient management, implant or aesthetics, and the dental hygienists in public health sector wanted to learn about health administration, public oral health operations and oral health education, which were different from what those in clinical sector wanted. 2. Regarding the period of service, 492% had worked for three years or more. This fact suggested that their service term and average age continued to grow. And they thought they would decide the retirement time on their own. 3. The most common yearly income ranged from 12 million won to 16 million won(40.7%). For-those in clinics, yearly income was 14.36 million won, and that of the dental hygienists who had worked for less than 3 years was 12.90 million won. 4. The Korea Dental Hygienist Association was most required to protect the rights and interests of the members and offer new knowledge and technology. 5. The largest group of them were engaged in patient management, and this type of job also was the most favored one for them to do. The greatest number of the dental hygienists in public health sector were in charge of dental treatment. 6. Concerning their turnover rate, 492% had never changed their occupation. Specifically, 70.0% of the respondents who had worked for less than 3 years had have no experience to do that. The time constraints for self-development and conflicts with other workers were the cause of their turnover. Those in dental hospital and general hospital changed their occupation chiefly due to the lack of time for self-development, and for the dental hygienists in clinics, the conflicts with other workers were the main reason. The above-mentioned findings suggested that the way the dental hygienists looked at things was undergoing change. The service area made a difference to their preference for the type of supplementary education and institution in charge of it, as those in public health and clinical sectors had a different opinion. And the dental hygienists in clinical sector had a different opinion as well, according to service area, about salaries, reason of not taking supplementary education, preferred type of supplementary education, cause of turnover, and type of occupation to which they hoped to change employment. To utilize and supply human resources in a more stabilized manner, job description should be more segmented, standardized and classified clearly, and dental hygienists should be motivated to perform their substantial jobs, including oral disease prevention, oral prophylaxis and oral health education. To make it happen, it seems that dentists are required to have a clear understanding of dental hygienist job and to change the way they look at it.

• 치위생과학회지
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.45-49
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• 2005

본 연구는 구강보건의 전문적 지식과 관리능력을 습득한 치과위생사의 현재 자기구강건강 관리능력을 파악하여 치과위생사의 구강관리 능력을 평가하고 공중구강보건의 현장과 치과임상의 현장에서 그 시기에 알맞은 구강보건교육과 예방치과처치의 담당자로서 보다 효과적인 구강보건교육방법을 제시하기 위한 기초자료를 제공하고자 2002년 4월 1일부터 5월 15일까지 설문 조사한 결과 다음과 같은 결론을 얻었다. 1. 설문에 응답한 조사대상자의 연령은 20-24세가 52.7%, 25-29세가 38.5%였고 81.1%가 미혼이었다. 근무처는 치과의원이 55.6%, 치과병원이 34.3%를 차지했고 근무연수는 0-2년차가 38.5%, 3-5년차가 36.7%였으며 근무처에 종사하는 치과위생사 수는 4명 이상이 74.6%로 나타났다. 2. 구강위생 지식에서는 치면열구전색과 치면세마가 $3.82{\pm}.39$로 점수가 가장 높았고 그 다음이 잇솔질 교습으로 $3.70{\pm}.53$, 불소도포 $3.70{\pm}.48$, 구강보조용품 사용방법 $3.52{\pm}.63$ 순으로 나타났다. 3. 자기구강위생 관리실태에서는 치과위생사들의 현재 자신의 구강건강상태에 대한 주관적 평가에서 조사대상자의 과반수 이상이 '보통이다' 혹은 '건강하다'라고 지각했다. 잇솔질 횟수로는 전체적으로 3회가 62.1%로 가장 많았고 잇솔질 방법으로는 rolling법이 85.2%로 가장 많이 실시되고 있었다. 사용하는 칫솔의 종류로는 중간모 69.2%, 부드러운 모 28.4%순이었으며 잇솔질 시간으로는 49.7%가 3분이라고 가장 많이 응답하였다. 잇솔질 시기로는 점심식사 후가 27.8%, 아침식사 후가 23.8%로 가장 높게 나타났으며 사용하는 치약에 불소함유 유무는 '예'라고 응답한 수가 66.3%로 가장 높게 나타났고 '잘 모르겠다'가 19.5%, '아니오'라고 응답한 수가 14.2%순으로 나타났다. 사용하고 있는 구강보조용품으로는 구강양치액이 23.1%로 가장 많았다. 치실이나 치간칫솔 사용 여부는 78.1%가 사용한다고 응답하였고 1일 1-2회 사용이 42.4%였으며 1회 소요시간은 1분 미만이 53.8%로 나타났다. 본인의 구강건강관리 활동으로는 식사후 껌저작이 17.2%로 가장 많았고 정기적 치과방문이 8.3%, 금연이 5.3%순으로 나타났다. 결과적으로 치과위생사의 경우 교육기관에서 전문적인 이론 및 임상실습으로 일반인보다는 구강건강관리가 잘 이루어지고 있었으나 아직도 불소나 예방치료에 대한 지식과 관리 측면에서는 미흡한 부분이 있었다. 구강보건을 책임지는 전문가적 한사람으로서 일반인과 환자들에게 본보기가 될 수 있도록 스스로가 자신의 구강건강 상태를 향상시키기 위해 끊임없이 노력하는 자세가 필요하며 이러한 실천은 환자 개개인에게 적절한 구강건강행위의 변화 및 구강건강관리의 중요성과 필요성을 알 수 있게 동기를 유발시킬 수 있도록 구강보건교육에 반영되고 응용되어져야 된다고 사료된다.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.86-97
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• 1978

The mobile medical service has been operated for many years by a number of medical schools and hospitals as a most convenient means of medical service delivery to the people residing in such area where the geographical and socioeconomic conditions are not good enough to enjoy modern medical care. Despite of official appraisal showing off simply with numbers of outpatients treated and medical persons participated, however, as well recognized, the capability (in respect of budget, equipment and time) of those mobile medical teams is so limitted that it often discourages the recipients as well as medical participants themselves. In the midst of rising need to secure medical service of good quality to all parts of the country, and of developing concept of primary health care system, authors evaluated the effectiveness of and problems associated with mobile medical servies program through the community diagnosis of a village (Opo-myun, Kwangju-gun) to obtain the information which may be halpful for future improvement. 1. Owing to the nationwide Sae-Maul movement powerfully practiced during last several years, living environment of farm villages generally and remarkably improved including houses, water supply and wastes disposal etc. Neverthless, due to limitations in budget time and lack of knowledge (probably the most important), these improvements tend to keep up appearances only and are far from the goal which may being practical benefit in promoting the health of the community. 2. As a result of intensive population policy led by the government since 1962, there has been considerable advances in understanding and the rate of practicing family planning through out the villages and yet, one should see many things, especially education, to be done. Fifty eight per cent of mothers have not received prenatal check and the care for most (72%) delivery was offered by laymen at home. 3. Approximately seven per cent of the population was reported to have chronic illness but since only a few (practically none) of the people has had physical check up by doctors, the actual prevalence of chronic diseases may reach many times of the reported. The same fact was observed also in prevalence of tuberculosis; the patients registered at local health center totaled 31 comprising only 0.51% while the numbers in two neighboring villages (designated as demonstration area of tuberculosis control and mass examination was done recently) were 3.5 and 4.0% respectively. Prevalence rate of all dieseses and injuries expereinced during one month (July, 1977) was 15.8%. Only one tenth of those patients received treatment by physicians and one fifth was not treated at all. The situation was worse as for the chronic patients; 84% of all cases either have never been treated or discontinued therapy, and the main reasons were known to be financial difficulty and ignorance or indifference. 4. Among the patients treated by our mobile clinic, one third was chronic cases and 45% of all patients, by the opinion of doctors attended, were those who may be treated by specially trained nurses or other paramedics (objects of primary care). Besides, 20% of the cases required professional managements of level beyond the mobile team's capability and in this sense one may conclude that the effectiveness (performance) of present mobile medical team is quite limitted. According to above findings, the authors would like to suggest following for mobile medical service and overall medicare program for the people living in remote country side. 1. Establishment of primary health care system secured with effective communication and evacuation (between villages and local medical center) measures. 2. Nationwide enforcement of medical insurance system. 3. Simple outpatient care which now constitutes the main part of the most mobile medical services should largely be yielded up to primary health care unit of the village and the mobile team itself should be assigned on new and more urgent missions such as mass screening health examination of the villagers, health education with modern and effective audiovisual aids, professional training and consultant services for the primary health care organization.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제3권3호
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• pp.97-110
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• 1973

The goal of modern nursing is to provide comprehensive nursing care to patients. If comprehensive nursing care to children (within the hospital setting) is to be provided, consideration of the stage of growth and development of the child is especially important. From clinical observation, it appeared that nurses often disregarded individual requirements of children in giving nursing care. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to show that comprehensive nursing care which is based on an understanding of the growth and development of the child contributes to both the child and the mother's adaptability to the child's hospitalization. Method: Sixty children, three to three year of age, hospitalized at the Yonsei University Pediatric Ward ware studied. From April 1, 1973 to May 5, 1973, children admitted to the hospital were assigned to either an experimental or a compare groups. There were 30 children in each group. The sex and age of the children in each group was similar. In both groups were more male than female children. In the experimental group, each mother stayed with hot child continuously during his hospitalization. In the compare groups, the mother or some other member of the family stayed with the child. Each day on the child's admission the investigator visited the ward from 1-2 P.M. to 9-10 P.M., in order to provide comprehensive care for the experimental -group. The assistance given the nurses by the investigator was in the form of conferences regarding care and in giving direct care to the child and his mother. The compare group of children received nursing care as usually provided by the hospital. The instruments used to obtain the data for analysis were as follows: 1. The fear and anxiety reaction of the child was recorded by observation of the investigator for four areas: 1) separation from parent and relatives 2) reaction to Doctor and Nurse with white gowns 3) reaction to nursing care 4) reaction to injection and tests, etc. 2. Regression in area of eating, sleeping, and elimination were recorded by the investigator by questioning the mother and by observation. 3. Adaptability to the hospitalization was recorded by direct questioning of the children for areas of emotional and social adjustment. For children older than 3 years of age or children not seriously ill, using the simple I. Q. test this was possible for only 35 of the total 60 children. Result: 1. 55 percents of the total 60 children had been prepared by their parents for hospitalization. The children who had received prior preparation accepted hospitalization more readily than those who had received no preparation. (χ²=4.6 Ρ<0.05) 2. On admission 31.7 percent of the children expressed verbal fear of their discase or treatment. 25 percent felt that the disease was due to their mistake. 3. There was a significant difference in the reaction of the child to separation from the parent or relatives between the two groups. The experimental groups showed less anxiety due to separation than the compare group. (χ²=4.34 Ρ<0.05) In both groups there was less anxiety due to separation among school age (6-12 years) children than among preschool age (3-5 years) children. (χ²=9.22 Ρ<0.05) 4. More than half of the children in both groups reacted with fear and avoidance to doctor and/or nurses wearing white gowns. (χ²=0.06 Ρ<0.05) 5. The experimental group reacted more favorably to nursing in general than the compare group. (χ²=4.8 Ρ<0.05) 6. There was no difference in the fear and refused reaction to special tests and/or such as X-rays and injections, etc. between the groups. (χ²=3.77 Ρ<0.05) 7. More children in the compare group showed regressive tendencies in eating, sleeping, and elimination habits than in experimental groups. (χ²=2.3 Ρ<0.05 χ²=3.88 Ρ<0.05 χ²=4.9 Ρ<0.05) 8. There was a significant difference in the adaptability to hospitalization between the two groups. The experimental groups adapted more readily. (χ²=2.02 Ρ<0.05) 9. For children who had higher I.Q. s the adaptability to hospitalization was better regardless of the group. (χ²=5.03 Ρ<0.05) However, because of the small number of cases (60), this finding cannot be extrapolated without further verification. The date demonstrates that there was a greater adaptability to hospitalization by the child when comprehensive nursing care was given. By planning care and applying knowledge of growth and development to meet, nurses are in a position to prevent some of the psychological trauma associated with hospitalization.

• 대한치과교정학회지
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• 제31권5호
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• pp.517-523
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• 2001

교정치료에서 원하는 치아이동을 위해서는 안정된 고정원이 필요한데 티타늄 미니스크류가 매식과 제거가 쉽고, 구강 내 여러 부위에서 적용이 가능하고, 환자가 느끼는 불편감이나 비용적인 부담이 적고, 제거 후에 치유가 빠르게 진행될 수 있는 등의 장점이 있어 최근에 교정적 고정원으로 사용되기 시작하였다. 티타늄 미니스크류를 교정적 고정원으로 사용한 임상 예들이 여러 편 발표되었는데 미니스크류의 이완이 가장 큰 실패의 원인으로 보고되고 있다. 그러나 지금까지 보고된 논문들에서 교정적 고정원으로 안정성을 줄 수 있는 스크류의 식립 길이에 관한 연구가 없는 상태이다. 교정적 고정원으로 미니스크류를 효과적으로 사용하기 위해서는 식립 부위에 따른 골구조와 골밀도 차이를 고려한 식립 길이에 관한 기준이 필요하다. 이에 본 연구에서는 성견의 상악골과 하악골에서 직경 2mm 티타늄 미니스크류를 다양한 길이로 식립하고 교정력을 적용한 후 그 안정성을 평가하여 교정적 고정원으로 사용될 수 있는 미니스크류의 식립 길이를 결정하고자 하였다. 미니스크류가 상악에서는 6mm 이상, 하악에서는 4mm 이상이 골 내에 식립될 때 8주 동안 200g의 교정력에 동요도나 위치변화를 보이지 않았다. 식립 부위로는 부착치은 부위 치근 사이에 식립될 때 구강청결이 유지되고 미니스크류 주변 치은조직에 자극을 주지 않아 정상적인 조직으로 유지 될 수 있었다. 또한 교정력 적용 8주 후 치근단 방사선 사진검사에서 스크류 주변 치근 흡수나 치조골 흡수, 치주 인대 손상이 관찰되지 않았다. 따라서 상$\cdot$하악 골밀도와 골구조의 차이를 고려하여 미니스크류의 골내 식립 길이를 적절히 조절함으로써 교정적 고정원으로 티타늄 미니스크류가 효과적으로 사용될 수 있다고 생각된다. 통계적으로 유의한 차이를 보였으나 Sn-Pg line와 Sn perp. 에서부터의 거리에는 차이가 없었다(p$44.32\%$ 떨어진 거리에 위치하였고, 피질골 절단술 시행시에 저항중심의 수직적 위치는 치경부에서 치근단 쪽으로 치근 길이의 $46.38\%$ 떨어진 거리에 위치하여 피질골 절단술 시행하지 않은 경우보다 치근단 쪽으로 이동되었으며, 후방견인력의 크기 변화에 따라 저항 중심의 수직적 위치는 변하지 않았다.Stainless Steel의 순이었다. 5. 비틀림실험은 0.016x0.022의 경우 Unitek Resilient가 가장 비틀림에 대한 저항이 큰데, 64.8회의 회전후 파절한다. 그 다음으로 Jinsung Stainless Steel, Unitek Hi-T, Ormco Stainless Steel, Unitek Standard(50.6회) 순이었다. 0.019x0.025의 경우 Jinsung Stainless Steel이 가장 커서 83.2회의 회전에 저항하고, Unitek Resilient, Unitek Standard의 순이고 Ormco와 Unitek Hi-T가 가장 저항력이 작았다. 6. 주사전자현미경으로 본 표면은 모든 제품에서 생산과정 중에 보이는 압흔과 pitting이 관찰되는데, 진성기업의 Stainless Steel은 가늘고 긴 압흔이 있으며 비교적

• 한국환경보건학회지
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.78-94
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• 1991

The purpose of this study is to research the actual conditions of industrial accident patients and to produce worker satisfaction and a rational and effective counter measure pain. Direct interviews with 179 cases (in and out patients) were carried out during a three month period from April to July 1990, at six hospitals two general hospitals Sun Lin and Sung Mo in Po Hang, and four general hospitals in Taegu Kyung Pook University Hospital, Dong San Medical Center, Young Nam Medical Center and Catholic Hospital. The results of this study are summarized as follows: 1. Among the 179 cases, 51.6 % were male and 48.4 % were female. The two largest age groups were 30~39, 31.8 % and 20~29, 27.4 %. Among the 179 cases, 51.6% were married, the largest family number was 2 to 3, 41.1% and 4 to 5, 25.6%. Educationally, graduation from high school was the largest group, 46.4% among the patients, followed by middle school and primary school. The largest group income level was from 40~69만원, 45.2%. The largest group of patients who worked over 50 hrs. a week was 52.0%. The largest group of patients who worked less than 1 year was 44.7%, of the patients in work places of less than 100 people, 60.3% were injured and in work places of 100~299 people, 20.1% were injured. In manufacturing, the lagest group injured was 55.3%, the next group was transport, stroage, communication. The largest group of production workers injured was 40.2%. 2. The cause of injury in the largest group was facility problems, 33.5%. The next group was unsafe habits, 30.2% a lack of safety knowledge, 17.9% and insufficient supervision, 12.3%. The 30~39 year age group was head the highest number of injuries, 40.4% work places with more than 10 yeras of work, 44.4% work palces with more than 1000 people, 56.3% and mining accidents, 80.0%. Among these groups the highest cause of injury was due to facility problems. 3. The accident pattern showed machinery injuries 28.5% as the largest group, followed by falls & falling objects 17.3%, fire & electric 15.1%, struke by an object 14.5%, followed by overaction and vehicular accidents. The accident pattern showed 46.4 % among workers over the 50 year age group, workers in the 5~10 year group, 50.0 % places employing more than 1000 workers, 35.3 % : construction 73.7%, and construction workers 57.1%, among these fall & falling objects caused the greatest number of injuries. 4. The largest group of injuries was fractures 54.8%, trauma 14.5%, amputation 11.7%, open wound, and burns. The largest number of fractures occurred in people in the 30~39 year age group, 63.2 % over 10 years of work, 55.6% in work places of 300~400 people, 63.6% construction 63.2% and general workers 57.2 %. 5. The largest group of injuries was upper extremity 45.3%, lower extremity 24.0%, trunk 18.5 % and head or neck 12.2%. Of these groups, upper extremity injuries were the highest in those less 20 years old 75.0%, less than 1 years of work 59.5%, in work places of 500~999 people 60.0%, manufacturing 56.6 % and production workers 55.6%. 6. Periods of injury showed 34 people injured in September, to be the largest followed by October, 32 August, 22 people July, 19 people and the lowest December, 2 people. During the week, Friday had the largest group injured, 35 people followed by Saturday, 26 people and the lowest was Wednesday, 17 people, During the day 1400 hours had the largest group injured, 38 people followed by 800 hours, 31 people. 7. On a basis of 5 as the highest mark, the average, according to worker satisfaction showed facility safety 3.55, work environment 3.47, income 3.44, job 3.21 and treatment 2.98. 8. The correlation between general characteristics and injury showed that age was directly correlated to the duration of work(r=.2591) p<0.01, age was directly correlated to industry (r=2311) p<0.01, and the duration was directly correlated to occupation(r =.4372) p<0.001.

• 한국환경성돌연변이발암원학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국환경성돌연변이발암원학회 2003년도 추계학술대회
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• pp.34-63
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• 2003

Occupational and environmental exposure to manganese continue to represent a realistic public health problem in both developed and developing countries. Increased utility of MMT as a replacement for lead in gasoline creates a new source of environmental exposure to manganese. It is, therefore, imperative that further attention be directed at molecular neurotoxicology of manganese. A Need for a more complete understanding of manganese functions both in health and disease, and for a better defined role of manganese in iron metabolism is well substantiated. The in-depth studies in this area should provide novel information on the potential public health risk associated with manganese exposure. It will also explore novel mechanism(s) of manganese-induced neurotoxicity from the angle of Mn-Fe interaction at both systemic and cellular levels. More importantly, the result of these studies will offer clues to the etiology of IPD and its associated abnormal iron and energy metabolism. To achieve these goals, however, a number of outstanding questions remain to be resolved. First, one must understand what species of manganese in the biological matrices plays critical role in the induction of neurotoxicity, Mn(II) or Mn(III)? In our own studies with aconitase, Cpx-I, and Cpx-II, manganese was added to the buffers as the divalent salt, i.e., $MnCl_2$. While it is quite reasonable to suggest that the effect on aconitase and/or Cpx-I activites was associated with the divalent species of manganese, the experimental design does not preclude the possibility that a manganese species of higher oxidation state, such as Mn(III), is required for the induction of these effects. The ionic radius of Mn(III) is 65 ppm, which is similar to the ionic size to Fe(III) (65 ppm at the high spin state) in aconitase (Nieboer and Fletcher, 1996; Sneed et al., 1953). Thus it is plausible that the higher oxidation state of manganese optimally fits into the geometric space of aconitase, serving as the active species in this enzymatic reaction. In the current literature, most of the studies on manganese toxicity have used Mn(II) as $MnCl_2$ rather than Mn(III). The obvious advantage of Mn(II) is its good water solubility, which allows effortless preparation in either in vivo or in vitro investigation, whereas almost all of the Mn(III) salt products on the comparison between two valent manganese species nearly infeasible. Thus a more intimate collaboration with physiochemists to develop a better way to study Mn(III) species in biological matrices is pressingly needed. Second, In spite of the special affinity of manganese for mitochondria and its similar chemical properties to iron, there is a sound reason to postulate that manganese may act as an iron surrogate in certain iron-requiring enzymes. It is, therefore, imperative to design the physiochemical studies to determine whether manganese can indeed exchange with iron in proteins, and to understand how manganese interacts with tertiary structure of proteins. The studies on binding properties (such as affinity constant, dissociation parameter, etc.) of manganese and iron to key enzymes associated with iron and energy regulation would add additional information to our knowledge of Mn-Fe neurotoxicity. Third, manganese exposure, either in vivo or in vitro, promotes cellular overload of iron. It is still unclear, however, how exactly manganese interacts with cellular iron regulatory processes and what is the mechanism underlying this cellular iron overload. As discussed above, the binding of IRP-I to TfR mRNA leads to the expression of TfR, thereby increasing cellular iron uptake. The sequence encoding TfR mRNA, in particular IRE fragments, has been well-documented in literature. It is therefore possible to use molecular technique to elaborate whether manganese cytotoxicity influences the mRNA expression of iron regulatory proteins and how manganese exposure alters the binding activity of IPRs to TfR mRNA. Finally, the current manganese investigation has largely focused on the issues ranging from disposition/toxicity study to the characterization of clinical symptoms. Much less has been done regarding the risk assessment of environmenta/occupational exposure. One of the unsolved, pressing puzzles is the lack of reliable biomarker(s) for manganese-induced neurologic lesions in long-term, low-level exposure situation. Lack of such a diagnostic means renders it impossible to assess the human health risk and long-term social impact associated with potentially elevated manganese in environment. The biochemical interaction between manganese and iron, particularly the ensuing subtle changes of certain relevant proteins, provides the opportunity to identify and develop such a specific biomarker for manganese-induced neuronal damage. By learning the molecular mechanism of cytotoxicity, one will be able to find a better way for prediction and treatment of manganese-initiated neurodegenerative diseases.