• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.171-176
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• 2023

What we have in common worldwide today is economic difficulties due to high inflation and uncertainty in the financial industry. The root cause of this is the war between Russia and Ukraine. The war between Russia and Ukraine is not simply a war between two countries. The United States and the European Union are providing military aid such as missiles to Ukraine, and Russia is attacking Ukraine by introducing UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) from Iran. A prominent weapon in this Russia-Ukraine war is the UAVs used in Russia. It is predicted that the form of war using UAVs will gradually expand in the future based on stealth. In addition, UAVs will continue to be used due to the fact that they can cause serious damage to the other country without harming their own lives, and because they have good cost-effectiveness. In this study, UAVs based on autonomous driving were studied. The target countries of the study include the United States, the European Union, China, and Iran, and the UAVs used in these countries have characteristics that can represent the world. In this study, the main specifications of major UAVs in use in major countries were investigated. In addition, the future technology and development direction were described through specifications and characteristics of UAVs currently in operation in major countries.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War was a "three-layer compounded war" between the US and Russia, Russia and Ukraine, and Ukrainian government forces and rebels. First, the war is a phenomenon that occurred when the western sphere of influence seeking to maintain and strengthen the liberal international order and the Sino-Russian sphere of influence seeking a new alternative order collided in Ukraine, a geopolitical fault zone. Second, this war is the result of a typical 'security dilemma' phenomenon caused by the 'chain reaction' game of NATO's continuous expansion and Russia's response. Third, the Russia-Ukraine war was caused by the Russian military projection to prevent the military restoration of Donbas region by Ukraine. Until now, the Western world, led by the US, showed unexpected solidarity after the war despite subtle differences in positions. However, the non-Western world, including China, is not participating in the condemnation and sanctions against Russia. This war will be an important turning point in the existence and change of the current international order that has been formed and is operating since the end of the Cold War. The direction of maintenance/restoration, revision/change, and end/transformation of the current international order is highly likely to be determined depending on the development pattern and method of ending the war.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.59-64
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• 2023

The ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine increases concerns around the world. Russian President Vladimir Putin attacked Ukraine, with a clear aim to protect ethnic Russians from Ukraine, and further to keep Ukraine from joining NATO. However, as the war takes longer than expected, Russia is getting more isolated from the world. Given this, we analyzed editorials from the New York Times by paying attention to the newspaper's viewpoint or ideological stance to the war, under van Dijk (1998)'s ideological square within the framework of critical discourse analysis. The analysis results are as follows: first, Ukraine, the United States and the Europe were designated as the ingroup, whereas Putin was as its outgroup; second, the editorials used negative words for their outgroup presentation, highlighting the outgroup's bad properties, while the positive words for their ingroup presentations were rarely used, indicating that the editorials reinforce outgroup exclusion only; third, it was only Russian President Vladimir Putin who was in their outgroup, while Russians were depicted as scapegoats to satisfy the pleasures of the maniacal Putin. Thus, it can be concluded that with the strategy of negative exclusion, the editorials clearly show their negative ideology towards the war by using negative words for the outgroup almost six times as often as positive words for the ingroup.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-26
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• 2023

This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.25-30
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• 2022

This study is a study on the filter bubble reinforcement phenomenon of SNS recommendation algorithm such as YouTube, which is a characteristic of the Russian-Ukraine war (2022), and the victory or defeat factors of the hybrid war. This war is identified as a hybrid war, and the use of New Media based on the SNS recommendation algorithm is emerging as a factor that determines the outcome of the war beyond political leverage. For this reason, the filter bubble phenomenon goes beyond the dictionary meaning of confirmation bias that limits information exposed to viewers. A YouTube video of Ukrainian President Zelensky encouraging protests in Kyiv garnered 7.02 million views, but Putin's speech only 800,000, which is a evidence that his speech was not exposed to the recommendation algorithm. The war of these SNS recommendation algorithms tends to develop into an algorithm war between the US (YouTube, Twitter, Facebook) and China (TikTok) big tech companies. Influenced by US companies, Ukraine is now able to receive international support, and in Russia, under the influence of Chinese companies, Putin's approval rating is over 80%, resulting in conflicting results. Since this algorithmic empowerment is based on the confirmation bias of public opinion by 'filter bubble', the justification that a new guideline setting for this distortion phenomenon should be presented shortly is drawing attention through this Russia-Ukraine war.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.85-114
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to analyze Russia-Central Asia relations since the launch of the EAEU in 2015 and forecast the future from a structural realism perspective. Bilateral relations have both elements of close cooperation and elements of conflict. Russia and Central Asia, which have the characteristics of an authoritarian alliance, also have a symbiotic relationship in which they have no choice but to cooperate with each other to maintain the regime. Based on this, Russia has made various efforts to reunify Central Asia. Central Asia also has no choice but to cooperate with Russia for its survival, but at the same time, it has expanded its scope of cooperation in the international community to avoid being subjugated to Russia again. However, as China's power expands, Russia's relative weakness, and wariness toward Russia increases after the Ukraine War, the gap in bilateral relations is widening. In particular, as China's influence grows, Russia's nervousness also increases. This is why Putin visits Central Asia and holds active summit talks even during the war in Ukraine. If competition between Russia and China surfaces, there is a high possibility that the international order in Central Asia will become unstable. However, it is still unlikely that the power of Russia and China will reverse in Central Asia. Above all, the security, historical, and cultural connections between Russia and Central Asia are areas that are difficult for China to catch up with. Therefore, a weakening of Russia's influence compared to the past is inevitable, but its superiority is expected to continue. If Russia breaks away from belligerence and transforms into an attractive cooperative partner, there is a possibility that bilateral relations will take an upward turn again. However, it seems unlikely that such changes and innovations will occur under the Putin regime. Therefore, the biggest obstacle to realizing Putin's goal of reunifying Central Asia is Putin himself.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.47-72
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• 2009

Since the Soviet Union collapsed, Russia has been aggressively seeking a role and place in the U.S.-led international order. Russia conditionally cooperated with the U.S. global policy, efforts to protect and expand the national interests in Post-soviet region. In this context, Post-soviet space is the arena of the struggle among the world powers. Especially in Ukraine as the Axis power of Post-soviet space, hegemony conflicts so called 'New Cold War' between Russia and western powers including U.S. have appeared. This paper examines what are Russian military security strategy and policy, how these come to fruition in Ukraine, what are important factors of complications and its aspect.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.115-120
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• 2022

The Rsussian Armed Forces(RAF) invaded Ukraine on Feburary 24. However, the Armed Forces of Ukraine(AFU) unexpectedly blocked the Russian wave attack made the war between Ukraine and Russia lengthened. Major think-tanks and military experts in the world assessed that the AFU overwhelmed the RAF at the initial stage of the war because of decentralized combats based on mission command. Especially, the decentralized small units of the AFU damaged the RAF and slowed down its Iniative. The 4^th industrial revolution makes the Korean Peninsula the multi-domain battlefield in the future; accordingly, the Decentralized combat won't be a choice, but a necessity in the future. Therefore, the AFU's offensive decentralized combats in this war Suggests many things to the Republic of Korea Army.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.27-33
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• 2023

The war between Ukraine and Russia continues. Ukraine, with the help of the United States and others, is fighting a superior battle against Russia with advanced weapons applied artificial intelligence. In line with this trend, the Korean military announced Defense Innovation 4.0 to expend investment in defense technology for the 4th Industrial Revolution and to realize a smart military. In order to achieve this effectively, it is necessary to examine the weapons R&D system. This thesis examines the existing weapons research and development system and derives the plans that can rapidly develop Advanced weapons in a timely manner. In addition, the plans for Rapid R&D for the application of the recently introduced 4th industrial revolution technology was also presented. Through this, it was intended to help the Korean military quickly adopt Advanced weapons in the future.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.65-86
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• 2024

This study delves into the geopolitical tensions surrounding Ukraine throughout modern European history, aiming to shed light on its significance in geopolitical discourse. Since the 19th century, European powers, particularly the Anglo-Saxons and Germans, have formulated distinct geopolitical strategies concerning the Eurasian continent, with Ukraine at its focal point. The Crimean War and the German-Soviet War serve as key events to analyze these powers' geopolitical ambitions and interests. The British Empire, driven by its doctrine of thwarting land powers with sea power, intervened in the Crimean War against Russia. Its objective was to disrupt Russian dominance over Ukraine, thereby hindering Russian expansion into the Black Sea and Central Europe. On the other hand, the Third Reich of Germany, fixated on creating a European sphere exclusive from Anglo-Saxon sea powers and the Russian land power, initiated the German-Soviet War. This move aimed to secure a vast territory, including Ukraine, to facilitate expansion into the Caucasus and establish a buffer zone against the Soviet Union. Three key insights emerge from this analysis. Firstly, the absence of a dominant power rooted in Ukraine since the fall of the Principality of Kiev made geopolitical clashes inevitable. Secondly, these clashes ultimately result in a hollow victory for all involved parties, signifying the high costs and minimal gains of such confrontations. Lastly, the root cause of these clashes lies in the discord between exclusive geopolitical visions that fail to accommodate sustainable coexistence among diverse geopolitical spheres. In essence, the study underscores Ukraine's pivotal role in shaping European geopolitics and highlights the recurring clashes driven by competing visions of dominance and control over its territory. From the Crimean War to the German-Soviet War, the struggle for influence over Ukraine reflects broader geopolitical dynamics and the pursuit of strategic advantage by major powers. Ultimately, the study emphasizes the enduring significance of Ukraine in European geopolitics and the complexities inherent in managing its geopolitical tensions.