• Title/Summary/Keyword: The study of the Book of Odes

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Weng fang-gang(翁方綱)'s Studies on the Book of Odes - Focused on Adoption of research methods of hanxue(漢學) and songxue(宋學) (옹방강(翁方綱)의 시경학(詩經學) - '한송겸채(漢宋兼采)'의 경향을 중심으로 -)

  • Yang, won-seok
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.70
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    • pp.385-405
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    • 2018
  • This paper aimed at examining studies on the Book of Odes of Weng fang-gang(翁方綱), a scholar who lived during Qianjia(乾嘉) period in the Qing(淸) Dynasty. In study on the Book of Odes, he had confidence in interpretation of Shixu(詩 序) and Maozhuan(毛傳), laid emphasis on long interpretation and opposed a tendency to be dubious of Confucian classics, showing a tendency of hanxue(漢 學), and he also showed a tendency of songxue(宋學) by criticizing a problem of Zheng xuan(鄭玄) & Kong ying-da(孔穎達) and taking a positive position toward Shijizhuan(詩集傳) of Zhu xi(朱熹). So to speak, Weng fang-gang can be considered to be a scholar who appropriately adopted and used the study method of hanxue(漢學) and songxue(宋學) in studying the Book of Odes.

The study of Zhu-xi(朱熹) and Dai-zhen(戴震)'s filthy poetry interpretation - Centering around 15Guo-feng(國風) (주희(朱熹)와 대진(戴震)의 음시해석(淫詩解釋)에 관한 고찰(考察) - 15국풍(國風)을 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Sun-cheul
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.249-278
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    • 2009
  • Zhu-zi(朱子) represented the study of The Book of Odes in Song dynasty and Dai-zhen(戴震) was The Book of Odes researcher representing Wan-pai(a kind of party) in Qing dynasty. Especially Dai-zhen took critical position of Zhu-xi. Comparing Zhu-zi with Dai-zhen in the aspect of The Book of Odes interpretation, this thesis intends to review the difference and the reason of both interpretations. Especially this thesis compares Zhu-zi's interpretation with Dai-zhen's about thirty poems Zhu-zi considered filthy poetry, investigating the differences of their interpretation. Regarding the poetry Zhu-zi considered filthy as refined satire, Dai-zhen had a negative position about Zhu-zi's theory of filthy poetry. As Zhu-zi interpreted the poetry in the first person on the literary view in the time when he interpreted the lyrics in the Feng-shi, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as feeling of words. But as Dai-zhen interpreted the poetry in the third person under a Confucian classic view, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as refined satire. In brief, that is to say that Zhu-zi made literary interpretations of feeling of words but Dai-zhen made Confucian classic interpretations of 'Si-wu-xie'(思無邪). These two men's differences about interpretation of The Book of Odes have much importance on the historical aspects of The Book of Odes. So to speak, Dai-zhen had bibliographical approach and described the meaning of poetry objectively, following Mao-shi(毛詩) theory about the interpretation of meaning of poetry, criticizing Zhu-zi's literarary view. Dai-zhen's interpretation of The Book of Odes mentioned Above was made from long vital power of Mao-shi theory and a Confucian classic method. Considering the historical stream of Zhu-zi and Dai-zhen's interpreting The Book of Odes, The Book of Odes will be interpreted and analyzed from the various views in the future.

Reinterpretation of the Concept "Publicity" in Ancient Classics of Asia (고전콘텐츠에 나타난 공(公)개념의 재해석)

  • Park, Sung-Joan
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.9 no.8
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    • pp.367-375
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this thesis is to study concept of "the Publicity" in ancient classics in Asia. I refered to Book of Odes( 詩經), Analects(論語), Mencius(孟子), Collections of Chu Xi( 晦華集), Ri zhi lu( 日知錄). This thesis is to classify and reinterpret the concept of "the Publicity". The major types of it are as follows : first, "the Publicity" as the ascendancy of the king in Book of Odes. second, "the Publicity" as hereditary order in Analects, third, "the Publicity" as authority of the king in Mencius, fourth, "the Publicity" as political ascendancy in Collections of Chu Xi, fifth, "the Publicity" as public and private uniformity in Ri zhi lu.

A Study on the Origin of The Triple Value(三達尊) in Ancient China-Mainly with the Aged Consciousness in the Book of Odes (중국 고대 삼달존(三達尊) 사상의 연원 고찰 - 『시경(詩經)』에 보이는 기로의식(耆老意識)을 중심으로 -)

  • Ro, Sangkeun
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.46
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    • pp.227-251
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    • 2017
  • This article is designed to study the conceptualization process of one of the ancient Chinese classical literature heritages, the so-called, the Triple Virtue(三達尊). By showing the principle meanings and the newly embodied symbolism of this Triple Virtue, this article is prepared to encourage revitalization of the moral virtues and self-identical pride among the elderly and to promote the young people's social consciousness of respecting the elderly. The author identifies the philosophical origins of the Triple Virtue, implying that the virtuous trinity is composed of morality, position and age, by analyzing poems in "Daya(大雅)", "Xiaoya(小雅)" of the Book of Odes and archives in "Zhoushu(周書)" of the Book of Documents(尙書). The author especially emphasizes that the concept of Triple Virtue was created by governing classes for meeting the political needs in the Zhou Dynasty. Moreover, by regarding King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty as the symbolic representation in the beginning era of the Western Zhou Dynasty and Shao BoHu as the embodiness representation in the end of the Western Zhou Dynasty, the author performs an in-depth study related to the above two great men. Finally, the author sheds lights on how symbolic and embodiness representations had played significant roles in formulating a typical model of the Triple Virtue in the following generations.

Consideration of the name of a thing appearing in the Jangseogak Archives "Gugpung(국풍)" (장서각 소장 『국풍』에 나타나는 물명 고찰)

  • Lee, hyun-ju
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.325-347
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    • 2017
  • In order to examine the characteristics of the name of a thing appearing in the "Gugpung(국풍)", it was compared with the name of a thing in "The Korean annotation of the Classic of Odes(시경언해)" We have examined the reason why the names of things in "The Korean annotation of the Classic of Odes(시경언해)" and "Gugpung(국풍)" appear differently in terms of the difference between the purposes of compiling the two books and reflecting the changes in language. "The Korean annotation of the Classic of Odes(시경언해)" does not provide a proper language for the names of flora and fauna that can be easily seen in the collective term of plants or animals or in everyday life. However, in the "Gugpung (국풍)", they also presented their own words. We found the reason for the purpose of compiling the "Gugpung(국풍)". "Gugpung(국풍)" is a book made for women's education. Therefore "Gugpung(국풍)" was made not only to learn the contents but also to learn Chinese character contained in the contents. Consequently, unlike the "The Korean annotation of the Classic of Odes(시경언해)", most of the names of the Korean things are presented Although the names of the native language of "Gugpung(국풍)" and "The Korean annotation of the Classic of Odes(시경언해)" are consistent with each other, many cases have been found that appear differently. In many cases, they reflected the change of the history of the Korean language in the early 17th century, when the "The Korean annotation of the Classic of Odes(시경언해)" was published, and in the early 19th century, when the "Gugpung(국풍)" wind was written.

A Study on Reciprocal Relationship between TKM and Literature : Centering on Medicinal Name Verses(YakMyeongSi) (한의학과 문학의 교섭 양상 연구 -약명시(藥名詩)를 중심으로-)

  • Lee, Jeong-Hyeon
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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    • v.16 no.3
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    • pp.77-84
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    • 2010
  • In this study, YakMyeongSi were considered to define relations of Tradional Korean Medicine(TKM) and literature. In the introduction, present related studies were searched to clarify YakMyeongSi are completely different from medical property songs(YakSeongGa). Related data about YakMyeongSi and YakSeongGa were extracted for the initial findings. In chapter 2, medical name verse was defined as 'a type of free verses with one or more medical names in each verse to be interpreted ordinarily' based on records and examples of YakMyeongSi. In China, it originated from "Book of Odes" and "Songs of Chu", and it was most popular in the Song-China. Medical names actually referred to medical names in the early forms of the Warring States Period, but the complete form of YakMyeongSi started to appear in the Tang-China. In chapter 3, 34 YakMyeongSi and 5 related data were suggested in tables as the present conditions of Korean YakMyeongSi. With actual examples, better comprehension of YakMyeongSi were intended. Also, the fact that Korean YakMyeongSi were completed in forms at the end of Goryeo and beginning of Joseon dynasty. The motivations of writing YakMyeongSi were also studied. Medical names were put into verses because they well expressed landscapes and emotions. Propagation of medical knowledge was the basis of YakMyeongSi. There are limits in defining the relations of TKM and literature with some YakMyeongSi. More studies must be carried out on YakMyeongSi in various records with details and interests. Also, study to define general relations of TKM and literature must be carried out together by examining TKM in literary forms such as medical introductions or medical property songs and literature pieces that expressed principles and materials of TKM.

A Study on the Changes of the Form of costume related to the recognition of the beauty of the body -from prehistorical period to Ch'ing Dynasty in Chinese female costume- (인체미 인식과 복식형태의 변천 - 선사~청대까지 중국 여성복식을 중심으로-)

  • 김민지
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.32
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    • pp.225-242
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    • 1997
  • This study is historical research on the relationship between the Changes of the Form of costume and the recognition of the beauty of the body from prehistorical period to Ch'ing Dynasty in Chinese female costume. In figure painting a significant point was to describe the spirit of the figure so Chinese painters were less interested in ideal body pro-portion or body shape than Westerns. But idealized beauty of the female body existed and changed keeping abreast with the form of costume in each period. In the prehistorical period Wemen fasten waist belt so enabled to distinguish upper part of the body from lower one. "Locust-forehead moth-eyebrows(蝗首蛾毛)" recorded in "the Book of odes(詩經)" was the canon of beaty and Wemen tried to make their forehead broad and square from Zhou Dynasty to the Wei Jin periods. From the age of Civil War to han Dynasty Slender waist was loved so waist was tightly fastened and hemline became broader. in the course of that time Plump body in big cloth with broad sleeve emerged but that was less significant than Tang Dynasty. During Wei Jin and the Southern/Northern Dynasty undergo disruption and division they admired Taoist images. Loose fitting style with handkerchief hemline and broad sash belt was prevailed while miserable life was reflected gaunt face and lean body. Suk Dynasty also preferred a slim and long body silhouette. The style was presented extremely high waist line long and narrow sleeve slim and long skirt which expressed dynamic and straight image. The culture of Tang Dynasty was open and diverse and that character enabled blod decolletate revealing body line by tight fitting and special make-up-Social background of uion and stabilization made female body extremely plump full face. full breast and hips with most erotic image. The period of Kaiyuan Tianbao fashioned mannish disguise presented androgynous image. Five Dynasty and Song Dynasty restored standard body type so upper garments concealed neck and bust high waist line lowered which represented refined and simple outfit. But another eroticism emerged as foot-binding in Song Dynasty. For the sake of covering up deformed top of the feet and ankle gaiters and arrow shaped shoes were devised. During Ming Ch'ing Dynasties body shape became more slim weak and young causing to escort instinct that reflects 'Lust' or 'Mundanity'.

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A Study of Perspective on Cheon Gwan(天觀) of Toegye (퇴계(退溪)의 천관(天觀) 연구(硏究))

  • Hwang, Sang Hee
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.56
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    • pp.147-170
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    • 2014
  • To divide by the concept of Cheon (天) before and after the period of Song Dynasty: before Song Dynasty; according to the ancient Book of Odes (Sigyeong-詩經), "Cheon (天) gives birth to a large number of people", and, Confucius(孔子) say "Cheon(天) gave me Virtue(德)." Mencius(孟子) say "The person done with all his heart knows Seong(性, personality), so if he knows such Seong(性, personality), then he knows Cheon(天)." In Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), it says "Cheon(天) ordered it to be called - Seong(性, personality)." So, Cheon(天) had a religious meaning, such as Sangje(上帝) - Supreme Ruler. During the Song period, Cheon(天), the source of its existence, had construed as Mugeuk i Taegeuk Non(無極而太極論 - Theory of Supreme Ultimate while being Indeterminate) and Theory of li and ki (iginon-理氣論). Juja (朱子, a honorary name of Juhui, 朱熹) had said a reasonable Cheon(天), that is, Heavenly Principle (天理 - Cheolli) by interpreting Cheon(天) as Taegeuk(太極 - Supreme Polarity) and li(理) of Muwi(無爲 - uncontrived action). That's why Juja had lost the religiosity because of his reasonable frame. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify of the quality of being religious of li(理) on the basis of attribute of Cheon(天) argued by Toegye and Juja. In the text of Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription), we can see their interpretation of the content that Toegye as "西銘考證講義"(Lecture on Historical Research of Western Inscription), and Juja as "西銘解"(Commentary on the Western Inscription). Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription) was expounded as a logic of 'iil bunsu' (理一分殊 - coherence is one and distinguished into many). '理一分殊' means to live in as meaningful as possible according to the human nature that has been bestowed upon thyself. Juja and Toegye both said that in the aspect of 'iil'(理一 - coherence is one), Reverence(事天) ought to be done, but to look into the aspect of 'bunsu'(分殊-distinguished into many), Juja argued that people should follow the order of Heavenly Principle(天理 - Cheolli), and Toegye argued that people should have to perform the filial piety(孝). There are differences in methods of Toegye and Juja on account of distinction between attributes of Cheon(天). Such a distinction affects the attribute of li(理). Juja said divisively that Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) is li(理), and Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is Sa(事-divine project). Toegye argued that Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is indeed li(理). It is the position of Toegye that to know Seong(性-the personality) of Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is the first, rather than to know Cheon(天) of Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) that is out of reach in a faraway place. Seong(性-the personality) is li(理) that bestowed by Cheon(天). In view of discussion about the essence and existence, for Toegye, the existence is the first, rather than the essence. The issues of existence is now enabled to talk about amid the discussion of metaphysics, namely li(理). Different from Juja, a theory noticed in Toegye is the theory of 'Lijado'(理自到). 'Lijado'(理自到) denotes 'Li(理) leads on their own.' It tells that separate from thing-in-itself, there is an energy that moves and oversees the thing. This is an issue of response between "I" as the principal agent and other people. If "I" as the principal agent is sincere to others, the others will come to me insomuch as they will be revealed through me. Here, a problem between the host and guest arises. Toegye perceived this problem that do not see me and others as same, and also do not see me and others as two. This is the logic of 'ilii iiil'(一而二 二而一 - looks like one but two, looks like two but one) of '理一分殊' (coherence is one and distinguished into many). The first thing to do between these two processes is to recognize the existence of 'iil'(理一). Toegye strongly displays a religious attitude identifying Cheon(天)=Li (理)=Sangje(上帝- Supreme Ruler) in the same light.