• Title/Summary/Keyword: The Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592

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A Study on the Spatial and Visual Composition of Yi Ung-Jae's Old House, Dundeok-ri (둔덕리 이웅재고가(李雄宰古家)의 공간 및 경관 구성적 특성에 관한 연구)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Lee, Jung-Han
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.2
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    • pp.60-76
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this study was to examine the spatial and visual arrangement characteristics of Imsil Yi Ung-jae's old house's spatial and visual aspects in order to discover the value of landscape and traditional house garden. The results of this study are as follows. Dongchon-village in Dundeok-ri, where old house is located, is a typical form of with "Back to the mountain and facing the water(背山臨水)", and is located in the north of the three streams of water, forming a Jeonchaghugwan(前窄後寬). Dongchon Village, which has a traditional scenic spot between Danguidae(丹丘臺) and Samgyeseokmun(三溪石門), is understood to be the main street of Nojeokbong Peak and Gyegwanbong Peak, which is Ansan(案山), where the "A centipede flying in the sky(飛天蜈蚣形)". Yi Ung-jae's old house is the oldest existing high-priced house in the North Jeolla region and the closing price of a royal family of the Joseon Dynasty, which was arranged by Chunseongjeong(春城正), Yi Dam-son(李聃孫) in the mid-16C. The Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and Japanese colonial era, the loyalty of the gate quarters, the filial piety of the gate quarters, and the faithfulness of the tablet(扁額) and Juryeons(柱聯) are enough to contribute to the rise of the value of a physical house. The men's quarters(Sarangchae), which are placed on a high-pocket or a layout without going against the sloping terrain, have the effect of making the distance as far as possible, enhancing its dignity and hierarchy as a royal building. In addition, the entrance to the main quarters(Anchae) through the four pillar gates(四柱門), the extensive support and the appropriation of the Chaewon(vegetable garden), and the official base for the Anchae are very unique compared to the general nobility. However, in the context of the postwar relationship, the shrine seeks to realize Confucian ideals while harmonizing with nature by arranging wide sponsorships around it. On the other hand, it is confirmed that there was a pond in the form of a circle in a square(方池圓島型) with a relatively large area, which is now disturbed and damaged. Written by the high priced planting species are sponsored pine trees, hackberry, persimmon trees, Japanese apricot flower, Ohmomiji, and plum tree in the side garden, as well as cotyledon trees in the outside garden. However, although flower bed(花階), which is built on the stone axis, is a place that clearly shows the expensive garden, it seems to have lost the texture of the plant due to the extremely high variety of species and the splendor that does not match the plant landscape of the flower world. Yi Ung-jae's old house is highly valuable as it is a portrait house of a prince of the blood in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Based on these findings, this study proposed a plan to improve the management of high prices that could be met.

The Historical and Cultural Landscape, and the Scenic Value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju (진주(晉州) 망진산(望晉山)의 역사문화경관과 명승적 가치)

  • Kim, Se-Ho
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.3
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    • pp.10-19
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    • 2022
  • In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

A study on the xylographica of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ ("의방류취(醫方類聚)"에 대한 판본(版本) 연구)

  • Shin, Soon-Shik;Choi, Hwan-Soo
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.1-15
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    • 1997
  • ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$(1445) is a book compiled the medical achievements of China and Choseon in those times and it's our source of pride to have it In this country. It also deserves careful investigation since this book can provide some clues of features of missing books in China and Korea. The extent of accuracy of xylographica of old books determines the possiblity of in depth further study. So authors attempted to investigate the xylographica of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ one of the 3 main books in Korea. Previous investigation done by Miki Sakae and Kim Doo Jong are noticeable. On the basis of their respective works, we analyzed 'Annals of the Choseon Dynasty' to find records related with ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ and estimated the situation of its publication. We tried figure the situation of those times of China, Japan and Korea(including North Korea) and tried to estimate the book's original xylographica as much as we could. By King Sejong's command, the first draft of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ consisted of 365 books was made by collaboration of civil officials and medical officers during the period from 1443 to 1445. And then from 1451(first year of Moonjong's reign) to 1464(l0th year of Sejo's reign) lots of manpowers were employed and through the process of countless erasure, proofreading, arrangement and rearrangement revised version of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ which is called by Sejo text was completed. After 3 years of wood engraving work, the first printed form of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ (alternately called Seongjong text) in folding case consisted of 266 chapters, 264 volumes came into the world in 1477.(8th year of Seongjong's reign). This was 32 years after the initial completion of the edition. So ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ exists in three forms as Sejong text, Sejo text and Seongjong text respectively. Since those texts were plundered during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, none of the original copy remains within korea. The texts were constantly moved to kadeungcheongieong, to Kongdeungpyeongio, Jesookoan of Edo, to East University of department of classic books, to Cheoncho archives, to the Imperial Museum and finally is kept in the royal palace at present. (Doseoryo text Eulhae printing type) Reduced-size republication books of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ in wooden type were imported at the time of 'Byeongja Korea-Japan Treaty in 1876' and of those 2 books, one copy was treasured in the Royal Household of the Yi Dynasty and than was lost during the Korean War circa 1950. The other remaining copy has been kept succesively by Kojong's imperial grant, Royal doctor Hong Cheol Bo, Hong Taek Joo, Hong Ik Pyo the book agent, and now is kept In Yonsei University Library and this is the only existing copy in Korea at present. In 1965, Dongyang Medical college published the transcription version of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ consisting of 11 books and then in 1981 after edition and arrangement by Choonghoa(中華) publishing company, photoprint copy of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ was published in Keumgang(金剛) publishing company In 1991, October Yeokang(驛江) publishing company producd photocopies of ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ which were previously translated into Korean by North Korea Institute of Oriental Medicine and then issued by medical publishing company. In China, two institutes, Zhejiang Institute of Traditional Chinese Medicine and Huzhou Traditional Chinese Medical Hospital cooperated to publish a revised and marked text consiting of 11 books by adding marking points to japanse Edohakhoondang text which were used as a reference. Both the korean and chinese texts issued were grounded by the ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ kept in the royal palace. Any further study concerning ${\ulcorner}$Classified Collection of Medical Prescriptions${\lrcorner}$ can acquire its accuracy and objectivity when the japanese text kept in the royal palace is taken as an original copy.

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A Study on the Formation and Landscape Meaning of Noksan in Gyeongbokgung Palace (경복궁 녹산(鹿山)의 성립과 경관적 의의)

  • Lee, Jong-Keun;So, Hyun-Su
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.4
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    • pp.1-11
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    • 2020
  • Noksan is a green area in the form of a hill located inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, unrecognized as a cultural heritage space. This study analyzed the literature and the actual site to derive its landscape meaning by examining the background for the formation of Noksan and how it changed. As a result, the identity of Noksan was related to the geomagnetic vein, pine forest, and deers, and the following are its landscape meaning. First, several ancient maps, including the 「Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace」 depicted the mountain range continuing from Baegaksan(Bugaksan) Mountain to areas inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, and Noksan is a forest located on the geomantic vein, which continues to Gangnyeongjeon Hall and Munsojeon Hall. On Bukgwoldo(Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace), Noksan is depicted with Yugujeong Pavilion, Namyeogo Storage, office for the manager of Noksan, the brook on north and south, and the wall. It can be understood as a prototypical landscape composed of minimal facilities and the forest. Second, the northern palace walls of Gyeongbokgung Palace were constructed in King Sejong's reign. The area behind Yeonjo(king's resting place) up to Sinmumun Gate(north gate of the palace) was regarded as the rear garden when Gyeongbokgung Palace was constructed. However, a new rear garden was built outside the Sinmumun Gate when the palace was rebuilt. Only Noksan maintained the geomantic vein under the circumstance. However, the geographical features changed enormously during the Japanese colonial era when they constructed a huge official residence in the rear garden outside the Sinmumun Gate and the residence of the governor-general and road in the site of the Blue House. Moreover, Noksan was severed from the foothill of Baegaksan Mountain when 'Cheongwadae-ro(road)' was constructed between the Blue House and Noksan in 1967. Third, the significant characteristics and conditions of the forest, which became the origin of Noksan, were identified based on the fact that the geomatic state of the northeastern side of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the naecheongnyong area in geomantic terms(the innermost 'dragon vein' among the veins that stretched out from the central mountain toward the left side), and they planted pine trees to reinforce the 'ground vein' and the fact that it was expressed as the 'Pine Field' before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. The pine forest, mixed with oaks, cherries, elms, and chestnuts, identified through the excavation investigation, can be understood as the original vegetation landscape. Noksan's topography changed; a brook disappeared due to mounding, and foreign species such as acacia and ornamental juniper were planted. Currently, pine trees' ratio decreased while the forest is composed of oaks, mixed deciduous trees, some ailanthus, and willow. Fourth, the fact the name, 'Noksan,' came from the deer, which symbolized spirit, longevity, eternal life, and royal authority, was confirmed through an article of The Korea Daily News titled 'One of the seven deers in Nokwon(deer garden) in Gyeongbokgung Palace starved to death.'

Establishment of Buddhist Monks' Pungmul in the Late Joseon Dynasty and Its Meanings (조선 후기 절걸립패 풍물의 성립과 그 풍물사적 의의)

  • Son, Tae-do
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.50 no.1
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    • pp.78-117
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    • 2017
  • Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

A study on ceremonial costume and Confucianism is Chosun Dynasty - Focusing on Men's Po - (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 유교사상(儒敎思想)과 의예복연구(儀禮服硏究) - 남자(男子) 포(袍)를 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Lee, Sun-Jae
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.16
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    • pp.221-229
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    • 1991
  • This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

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A study on the Construction and the Transition of Daebodan in the Late Josun Dynasty (조선후기 창덕궁 대보단의 조성과 변천에 관한 연구)

  • LEE Yeonro
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.96-116
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    • 2022
  • The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

Cultural awareness and its practice of Jang Hyeongwang (여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)의 문화의식(文化意識)과 그 실천(實踐))

  • Park, Hakrae
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.49
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    • pp.39-71
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    • 2012
  • This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.

A Study on the Change of the Cheomcha-chogak of the Neungwon-Jeongjagak (능원(陵園) 정자각(丁字閣)의 첨차초각(檐遮草刻) 변화에 대하여)

  • Jeon, Jongwoo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.280-301
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    • 2021
  • Chogak has been regarded as originating from the paintings decorating building elements. Various curved shape drawings that were first seen in the paintings of Goguryeo tomb murals evolved into the vine patterned Dancheong of Geuklakjeon in Bongjeongsa. Cheomcha of Geuklakjeon was chiseled with Yeonhwadusik relievo at the bottom on top of Dancheong, and this was the beginning of Cheomcha-Chogak. Also, Cheomcha, which was carved with a preliminary vine patterned Chogak in Daeungjeon in Bongjeongsa, opened the era of engraving Chogak directly on the surface of structural elements. Since then, vine patterned Chogak was a significant decoration technique for the Cheomcha of traditional wooden construction for a long time. Because Jeongjagak is a structure that was continuously built between the end of the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 and the late Joseon Dynasty, the transition of Cheomcha-Chogak over time can be seen through Jeongjagak architecture. The early Cheomcha-Chogak presents stems that climb up (Upbound-type) towards the headpiece on a column, while stems of Chogak later reversed direction to descend (Downbound-type) from the headpiece. This study examined the transition process and reasons for the change, with a focus on the findings above, and identified a new type of Chogak that is unrelated to the direction type and was adopted during the transition from Upbound-type to Downbound-type. The new type appeared when the Jeongjagaks for the Royal Tomb of Kyeongjo and those of the Injo were built, and it matches with the transitional period wherein lotus vanishes from Hwaban-Chogak. The study also inferred that the direction change of Cheomcha-Chogak stems was caused by the separation of vine patterned Chogak, carved with a two-stepped inner Ikgon, into both upward and downward from the headpiece, and this led to the changes that manifested as the inside of Choikgong being the Downbound-type Chogak and the variegated vine patterned Chogak of Choikgong affecting the direction of Cheomcha-Chogak. This is the follow-up study of "A Study on the Hwaban-Chogak of the Neungwon-Jeongjagak," a paper published in 2018, and is limited in n that Cheomcha, the focus of the research, is just one of the construction elements of Jeongjagak. The entirety ofChogak cannot be understood only by observing Cheomcha.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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