• 한국과학교육학회지
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• 제28권1호
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• pp.1-14
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• 2008

본 연구에서는 과학의 이미지 중 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'에 대한 인식을 조사하였다. 학생들의 '과학을 잘하는 모습'은 첫째, 학생 개개인의 과학학습 목표와 연관되어 있다는 점, 둘째, 학생들이 생각하는 '과학적 재능'의 요인에 대한 정보를 제공한다는 점, 셋째, 과학을 잘하는 모습에 대한 판단기준은 학생들이 주로 의존하는 권위는 무엇인가에 대한 실마리로써 그 의미를 지닌다. 이에 본 연구에서는 다음과 같은 연구문제를 중심으로 고등학생들의 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'에 관한 인식을 조사하였다; (1) 학생들의 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'에 대한 인식에는 어떤 유형들이 있는가? (2) 학생들이 과학을 잘 한다고 판단하게 될 때 그 구체적인 상황(context)은 어떻게 나타나는가? (3) 학생들이 가지고 있는 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'과 '과학학습 목표'는 일치하는가? 연구결과, 첫째, 학생들은 과학을 잘 한다는 것에 대해 '과학성적을 잘 받는 것', '새로운 것을 발견하는 것', '일상생활에서 과학을 잘 이용하는 것', '과학을 즐기는 것', '실험을 하고나서 결과를 잘 이해하는 것', '형식이나 규칙에 얽매이지 않는 것', '독창적이고 앞서는 생각을 하는 것' 등 다양한 응답 유형을 보였다. 대부분의 학생들은 사회적 기준(사회적으로 인정된 과학을 잘 하는 기준)과 개인적 기준(개인의 신념과 경험을 통해 형성한 과학을 잘 하는 기준)을 모두 사용하고 있었으나, 개인적 기준을 더 중요시 하는 경향이 있었다. 둘째, 학생들의 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'의 재유형화를 통해, 9가지 유형을 추출해 낼 수 있었다(창의적인 생각으로 지식을 창출하는 '아인슈타인 유형', 실험을 체계적으로 수행하여 결과를 잘 도출해 내는 '퀴리 부인유형', 많은 호기심으로 끊임없는 질문을 하는 '소크라테스 유형' 등). 한편, 과학을 잘 한다고 판단할 때의 상황을 분석하여, 물리적 상황과 심리적 상황으로 구분될 수 있었다. 학생들이 과학을 잘 한다고 판단하게 될 때의 물리적 환경을 묘사하는 물리적 상황은 4 가지로 분류되었고(학교교실수업 상황, 실험실 상황, 문제풀이 상황, 일상생활 상황), 과학을 잘 하는 것의 판단에 영향을 미치는 심리적 상황은 6 가지가 있었다(내가 급히 해결해야할 문제를 그 사람이 해결해 줄 때, 내가 오랫동안 해결하지 못한 문제를 그 사람이 해결해 줄때, 아무도 예상하지 못했던 사건에서 그 사람이 침착하게 대응했을 때, 등). 9가지 유형과 4가지 물리적 상황, 6 심리적 상황으로 결합된 '과학을 잘 하는 것의 판단 틀'은 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'을 판단하는 메커니즘을 설명하기위한 기초 자료를 제공한다는 데에서 의미를 지닌다. 또한, 학생들의 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'에 대한 변화를 유도하기 위한 교육적 도구로 활용될 여지가 있다. 셋째, 2/3에 해당하는 학생들이 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'과 자신 과학학습 목표는 일치하다고 언급하였다. 불일치를 보이는 학생들은 과학을 잘 하고 싶지 않거나, 현실적인 이유로 성적 향상위주의 과학학습을 하는 학생들임이 드러났다. 이러한 결과는 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'과 과학학습의 목표는 거의 일치한다고 말할 수 있다. 본 연구에서는 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'에 대한 학생들의 인식의 중요성을 제안함으로써, '과학의 이미지'연구 분야의 영역을 보다 넓히고, 과학교육의 새로운 시사점을 발견하는 데 중점을 두었다. 그러므로 본 연구에서는 주로 '과학을 잘 하는 모습'에 대한 유형과 상황의 추출에 초점을 두었으나, 이것을 바탕으로 후속연구로서 이러한 학생의 인식 특징이 성취도나 진로선택과 어떤 관계를 가지는지 조사할 필요가 있다.

• 한국방사선학회논문지
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.101-108
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• 2024

최근 메타버스 기술이 다양한 분야에서 중요한 화두로 떠오르고 있다. 메타버스는 현실 세계와 유사한 사회적, 경제적 활동이 가능한 3차원의 가상공간을 의미한다. 2023년 9월부터 12월까지 본 대학 방사선학과에서 메타버시티 앱을 적용하여 수업한 3학년 재학생 235명 중 설문에 참여한 200명을 그 대상으로 메타버시티 앱을 적용 시 학생의 호응도와 만족도 차이를 분석하였다. 첫째, VOD 시청 방법으로 만족하는 방식은 메타버시티 앱을 통한 시청, LMS를 통한 시청의 순이었다. 둘째, '나는 휴일 보강은 온라인 영상이 적절하다고 생각한다.' 가 4.35±0.60으로 가장 높은 점수를 보였으며, '나는 대면수업과 온라인 수업이 병행되었으면 한다.'는 4.25±0.87이었으며, '나는 메타버시티 앱을 통해 잘 시청하였다.'는 4.10±0.30, '수업에서 메타버시티 앱을 통한 VOD 시청은 적절하게 사용되었다.'는 3.99±0.75로 가장 낮게 나타났다. 또한 수업 방법의 호응도는 유의한 차이가 없었다(p>0.05). 셋째, 메타버시티 앱을 이용한 VOD 시청의 만족도로 '메타버시티 앱을 적용하니 흥미롭고 재미가 있었다.'가 4.24±0.88로 가장 높은 점수를 보였으며, '적극적인 메타버시티 앱을 활용하기 위해서는 보다 나은 개선이 필요하다.'가 4.00±0.45로, '메타버시티 앱이 다른 원격수업에서도 시행되었으면 한다.'가 3.77±0.88로 나타났다. '기존 LMS 방식보다 메타버시티 앱을 통한 VOD 수업이 낫다.'가 3.44±0.66으로 나타났다. 또한 나이, 성별에 따른 수업에 대한 만족도는 유의한 차이는 없었다(p>0.05). 메타버시티 앱에 대한 호응도와 만족도의 상관관계는 0.601이며, 이는 매우 유의한 것으로 나타났다(p>0.001). 본 연구의 제한점으로 메타버시티 앱을 활용한 교육 만족도를 조사하였으나, 지도하는 교수자와 학생과 상호 작용 만족도는 조사 하지 못하였으며, 차후 교수자의 메타버시티 앱을 활용한 수업의 만족도 연구가 진행되어야 할 것이다. 원격수업을 대비하기 위한 메타버시티 앱을 수업에 적용하기 위해서는 대학에서 행정적 및 제도적 지원과 지속적인 주목을 하여야 할 것이다.

• 기독교교육논총
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• 제77권
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• pp.63-84
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• 2024

연구 목적 : 본 연구는 신학교육과정 재구조화를 위해 현장에서 신학교육과정을 경험하고 있는 학습자의 입장에서 신학대학 교육과정 운영 만족도를 조사했다. 이를 통해 현재 신학교육과정의 반성적 성찰과 교회와 사회 속에 영향력 있는 신학교육과정 재구조화의 기초를 제공하고자 한다. 연구 내용 및 방법 : 현재 신학대학의 학부와 신학대학원, 신학석사, 신학박사 과정에 재학 중인 학습자 80명을 대상으로 현재 신학교육과정 만족도 분석을 위해서 설문조사를 실시했다. 설문조사 결과를 발전적으로 해석하기 위해 설문 참여자 중 무작위로 6인을 선정하여 심층면담을 실시했다. 설문결과 첫째, 현재 신학교육과정 만족도는 60%로 높은 것으로 나타났고, 둘째, 목회 실천적 교육의 필요성 인식은 77.5%인데 반해 현재 신학교육과정에서 목회 실천적 교육이 이뤄지고 있다고 답한 비율은 45.5%로 필요성을 인식한 비율에 비해 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 현재 신학교육과정이 미래 사회를 위한 목회역량을 키울 수 있을지에 대해서는 73.7%가 부정적인 응답을 했다. 마지막으로 신학교육과정 재구조화를 위해 시급하게 변화되어야 할 것에는 신학교육내용, 신학교육방법, 신학교육목적 순으로 조사됐다. 결론 및 제언 : 대전환의 시대 속에 우리 사회는 빠르게 변하고 있다. 변화의 물결 앞에 신학교육과정도 새로운 시대에 걸맞는 변화가 필요하다. 지금까지의 신학교육과정은 이론 중심의 지식 전달에 초점을 맞춰 왔다. 그러나 새로운 시대의 신학교육은 대전환 시대 속에서 교회와 목회자가 역동적으로 살아낼 수 있는 목회 역량을 향상시킬 수 있는 신학교육과정이 필요하다. 이를 위해 목회 현장과 맥랑성을 가질 수 있는 신학교육과정으로 재구조화되어야 할 것이다. 이를 위해 이론중심의 교육과정과 방법론에서 다양한 목회 문제적 상황에 적극적으로 대응할 수 있는 구성주의 기반의 학습자 중심의 다양한 교수학습방법과 대전환 시대 속에 변화되는 목회 현장에 적극적으로 적용될 수 있는 실천중심적 신학교윢과정의 재구조화가 필요하다.

• 한국기록관리학회지
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.69-94
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• 2001

본 논문의 목적은 일본에서의 기록관리학 교육의 현황을 개관하고, 몇 가지 중요한 이슈와 문제점을 언급하면서 이 분야의 급속한 성장의 영향을 살펴보는 것이다. 기록관리학 교육의 목적은 정보서비스의 질을 향상시키고 정보전문가의 적절한 공급을 보장하는 것이다. 기록관리학프로그램은 학생들에게 전문직업 교육을 하는 것이므로 교육과정에는 교육과 실무 훈련이 모두 포함되어야 한다. 이점은 흔히 이론과 실제의 대비로 표현된다. 학습이 이루어지는 환경의 사회적, 경제적 및 기술적 현실의 합류점이 양자에게 모두 영향을 준다. 본 논문은 일본에서의 기록관리학 교육의 역사적 배경과 현황을 검토한다. 또한 교육기관들의 다양한 형태의 교과과정과 교수진을 분석하되 일본 최초의 종합적인 대학 수준 프로그램인 스루가다이대학교의 학부프로그램에 초점을 둔다. 스루가다이대학교 문화정보학부는 정보학 분야를 통합한 새로운 학부로서 다양한 문화정보자원관리의 이론과 실제를 연구하기 위해 1994년도에 설립되었다. 그 목적은 archival science, records management, 박물관 학예직 및 사서직 분야에서 전문적 훈련을 제공함으로써 정보학 분야의 연구를 촉진하고 장려하는 것이다. 학부에는 두 개의 학과가 있고 각각에는 두 개의 코스가 있다; 문화정보학과. - 영상정보코스, - 관광정보코스 지식정보학과: 지식커뮤니케이션코스, 레코드 아카이브스코스 전체 교과과정의 구조는 역시 기본과목 교육부터 단계적으로 조직된다. 학생이 대학교에 입학하면 바로 수강하는 오리엔테이션과목들은 전문교육의 입문이 되며, 대학에서의 기본적인 학습 연구방법을 배운다. 1학년과 2학년 동안 학생들은 전문화를 위한 필수단계로서 기초과목과 기간과목들을 수강한다. 이를 위해 광범위한 주제의 과목들이 개설된다. 개설코스수는 약 150개에 이른다.3학년부터는 자신의 주전공이 해당하는 특정 코스를 시작하며 세미나와 실습을 통해 습득한 지식을 실제에 적용하게 된다. 각 학과에 속한 코스들은 2학년을 시작하는 학생들에게 개설된다. 그러나 두 학과 간에 넘을 수 없는 장벽은 없으며 졸업필요요건에 약간의 차이만 있을 뿐이다. 학생들은 자신이 속한 학과에 관계없이 3 4학년 세미나를 선택할 수 있다. 문헌정보학 학사학위를 받으려면 기초과목군(예: 문헌정보사회사, 문화인류학, 과학사, 행동과학, 커뮤니케이션 등)에서 34학점, 외국어에서 16학점(영어 10학점 포함), 정보처리에서 14학점(이론과 실습 포함), 그리고 자신의 전공코스에서 60학점을 취득해야 한다. 마지막으로 일본 기록관리학교육이 당면하고 있는 몇 가지 과제와 문제점을 아래와 같이 간단히 요약한다. - 관련 분야 및 유사 프로그램과의 결합 및 조화, - 교과과정 개선, - 교과서 부족, - 유능한 교수의 부족, - 졸업생의 취업문제 정보서비스가 점점 더 복합, 통합, 멀티미디어어화 되어감에 따라 정보전문직들은 다른 분야의 전문가들과 더욱 긴밀하게 협력할 필요가 있을 것이다. 아키비스트, 레코드메니저 및 박물관 큐레이터와 함께 일하는 것이 정보전문직으로서의 사서직의 생존에 필수적이 될 것이다. 더욱 정보화되는 사회에서 변화를 견뎌내려면 문화기관 내 모든 사람들의 강력한 연대가 요구된다. 미래의 동료들이 경쟁력을 갖게 하기 위해서는 정보전문직 간에 그리고 국경을 넘어서 파트너쉽을 구축하고 강화할 필요가 있을 것이다.

• 마케팅과학연구
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.239-248
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• 2010

本文阐述了产业和学术之间的合作项目. 这个合作项目关注美国东北部的一家大型地区连锁百货商店的两个自有品牌服装的营销和产品开发战略发展. 这个项目的目标是通过和学生的想法的合作来振兴产品线. 从而给学生提供真实产业环境中的实践经验. 这个项目中有很多关键者. 在美国东北部的一家私有连锁百货商店为已有的两个自有服装品牌寻求一个学术伙伴. 他们的目标客户是追求休闲, 适中价格的中年消费者. 这个公司想要改变包装和展示的方向, 甚至是产品的设计. 公司的品牌和产品开发部门联系东北一个州立大学的学术部门的教授. 有两位教授认为这个项目非常适合他们的课程-一个是初级的媒介品牌管理课程; 一个是高级的时装产品开发课程. 这些教授认为通过合作项目, 学生在安全的学术学习环境中能进入一个真实的工作场景中在一个多学科协作团队, 提供超出一个学生的能力, 经验和资源优势, 并增加了解决问题的过程中的 "智囊" (Lowman 2000). 这种提高学生的能力目标的方向让每班教师去组织品牌和产品开发类的跨学科团队. 此外, 许多大学都聘请科研和教学的产业伙伴关系, 协作的时间(学期)和环境(教室/实验室)的约束有助于提高学生的知识和对现实世界的经验. 在田纳西大学, 产业服务中心和UT-Knoxville's 工学院和一家公司合作来发展它们美国公司的的设计进步. 本研究中, 因为是和一个自有商标零售品牌, Wickett, Gaskill 和Damhorst's (1999) 指出产品开发和品牌管理团队使用的零售服装产品开发模型. 之所以选择这个框架是因为它从零售这个角度强调了服饰产品开发. 两个班级参与了这个项目: 一个初级品牌管理班级和一个高级时装产品开发班级. 7个团队包括四名学习品牌管理的学生和两名学习产品开发的学生. 这两个课程在同一个学期但是不同的时间. 在学期开始的时候, 每个班级都被介绍给了产业合作伙伴并接受了问题. 一半的团队指定为男士品牌, 另一半是女士品牌. 这些小组负责制定解决问题的方法, 制定自己的工作时间表, 在与业界代表保持接触, 并确保每个小组成员以积极的方式负责任. 这些小组的目标是通过用销售规划进程来计划, 发展和展示一条产品线(遵循Wickett, Gaskill和Damhorst 模型) 并为这条产品线发展新的品牌战略. 这些小组展示了趋势, 色彩, 面料和目标市场调查; 制定一个产品线的草图;编辑了草图, 介绍他们的执行计划书写说明书, 配上合适的模型并最终开发生产样品. 品牌班的学生完成了SWOT分析, 品牌测量研究报告, 品牌心智图和完整综合的营销报告. 这些报告在介绍新产品线时同时发表. 将来如果有更多这样的协作机会而且公司希望同时考虑品牌和产品开发战略, 那么课程应该定在相同的时间, 这样学生有更多的时间在一起讨论时间表和被分配的任务. 像上面的任务, 学生不得不每堂课之外的时间见面. 这使得团队工作变得具有挑战性(Pfaff和Huddleston, 2003). 虽然这项工作的后勤是费时设立和管理, 但教授认为对学生的好处是多种多样的. 根据两堂课的学生的回复, 最重要的好处是和产业专业人士一起工作的机会, 跟进他们的进程, 并看到公司里做决定级别的高层对他们作品的评估. 教员们都感激有一个 "真实的世界" 的案例. 制定的创意和战略扩大和加强了品牌和产品开发两个部门的联系. 通过和来自不同知识领域的学生一起工作并且和产业伙伴联系, 遵守产业活动的框架和时间表, 学生小组在新的环境中完成优秀创新的作品是具有挑战性的. 在产品开发和为 "现实生活" 品牌的品牌工作, 这些品牌都在努力给学生一个机会, 看看他们的课程是如何紧密的与现实世界联系, 以及公司运营中设计和商业方面如何需要创造性, 协作和灵活性. 行业人员对(a)学生的知识水平和深度以及执行力, (b)品牌的新思路的创造性产生了深刻的印象.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.81-115
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• 1992

The problem addressed by this study was to determine the effect of nurse - patient agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period of primiparous mothers. It was hypothesized that the experimental treatment would result in hegher self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance. This purpose was to contribute to the planning of nursing care to enhance self- confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance and to the development of relevant nursing theory. Especially, the early postpartum period is crucial toward in recovery from childbirth and attainment of the maternal role. Maternal role attaintment is a complex social and cognitive process of stimulus -response accomplished by learning. Most women attain the maternal role sucessfully. But, some primiparous mothers experience difficultites in attainment of the maternal role due to lack of experience and knowledge. Self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance are important factors in attainment and adjustment to the maternal role (Mercer, 1981a, 1981b ; Lederman, Weigarten, and Lederman, 1981 :Bobak and Jensen, 1985). Nursing is defined as behaviors of nurses add patients that attain nursing goals through action, reaction, interaction, and transaction. For attainment of nursing goals, active participating transactions must occur by agreement on the means to achieve those goals through nurse -patient mutual goal setting and establishment of their active relationships(King, 1981, Ha, 1977). Based on King's theory of goal attainment (1981), this stuy was planned as a non-equivalent control group, non -synchronized quasi -experimental design using agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in early postpartum as the experimental treatment. The data were collected from July 20 to Sep. 1, 1991 by questionnaires with 60 primiparous mothers planing to breast feed after normal deliveries at W hospital in Pusan, Korea. The subjects were divided into a control group(conventional group) -those admitted from July 20 to Aug. 12, and an experimental group(agreement group) - those admitted from Aug. 13 to Sep. 1. The instument for agreement on the means to nursing goals in the early postpartum period included five steps - identification of disturbances of problems through action, reaction, and interaction with primiparous mothers : mutual early postpartal nursing goal setting : exploration of the means to achieve goals ; agreement on the means (self- care, ealry maternal -infant contact, performance of mothering behavior, and communicating about the infant's behavior and health condition) : implementation of the means. This instrument was developed on the basis of King's elements that lead to transactions in nurse-patient interactions. Lederman et al's (1981) scale for Confidence in ability to cope with tasks of motherhood and Lederman et al's(1981) scale for Mother's satisfaction with motherhood and infant care were used to measure self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance ·with the subjects immediately after admission and on the day of discharge. Self-care performance in the experimental group was measured by self -evaluation tool developed by the investigator from the literature concerned. The tools to measure Pelf-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance, and the tool to measure self-evaluation of self-care performance were tested for internal reliability. Cronbach's Alphas were 0.94, 0.94, and 0.63. The data were analysed by using in S.P.S.S. computerized program and included percentage, x²-test, t-test, ANOVA, and Pearson Correlation Coefficient. The conclusions obtained from this study are summerized as follows : 1. The degree of self-confidence in maternal role performance of the total subjects group measured before the experimental treatment was above average with a mean score of 2.77(range 2.14-3.64). Out of 14 items, those with relatively high mean scores were ‘I would like to be a better mother than I am’(3.95), and ‘I have my doubts about whether I am a good mother’(2.87). Those with low mean scores were ‘I know that my baby wants most of the times’(2.28), ‘When the baby cries, I can tell what she /he wants’(2.37), and ‘I have confidence in my ability to care for the baby’(2;50). That is, the self - confidence of Primiparous mothers was considerably high in mothering, but rather low in activities concerning the infant care and understanding of the infant behavior. The degree of satisfaction in maternal role performance of the total subjects group measured before the experimental treatment was high with a mean score of 3.18(range 1.92-3.92). Out of 13 items, those with relatively high mean scores were ‘I am glad 1 had this baby now’(3.75), ‘I play with the baby between feedings when s/he is awake and quiet’(3.67), and ‘I enjoy being a mother’(3.27). Those with low mean scores were ‘I am upset about having too many responsibilities as a mother’(2.78), ‘It bothers me to get up for the baby at night’(2.82), and ‘I get annoyed if the baby frequently interrupts my activities’.(2.82), That is, the satisfaction of primiparous mothers was considerably high in mothering and infant care, but rather low in restraints in time or on the mother's self accomplishment and development. 2. Agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period included process of mutual goal setting, exploration of the means to achieve goals, and ahreement in concert means to achieve goals based on the mothers' condition, concerns, self-perception of the nurse - patient interactions. In the process of agreement, there was agreement that the means to achieve goals should be through trust and establishment of active relationships with the nurse through identification of problems according to planned nursing goals and active interaction, such as explanations, teaching, changing of opinions, acceptance or rejection of explanations, and proposing of questions. Therefore agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period appears to be an effective nursing intervention for primiparous mothers. 3. The degree of self- confidence in maternal role performance of the exprimental group was higher than that of the control group(t＝3.95, p＜0.01). Out of 14 items, those with higher score in the experimental group were ‘I would like to be a better mother than I am’(t＝1.93, p＜0.05), ‘I know that my baby wants most of the times’(t＝2.75, p＜0.01), ‘When the baby cries, 1 can tell what she/he wants’(t＝2.10, p＜0.05), ‘I have confidence in my ability to care for the baby’(t＝3.72, p＜0.01), ‘I trust my own judement in deciding how to care for the baby’(t＝1.96, p＜0.05), ‘I feel that I know my baby and what to do for him /her’(t＝2.44, p＜0.01), ‘I am concerned about being able to meet the baby's needs’(t＝2.87, p＜0.01), ‘I know what my baby likes and dislikes’(t＝3.26, p＜0.01), ‘I don't know to care for the baby as well as I should’(t＝2.07, p＜0.05), and ‘I am unsure about whether I give enough attention to the baby’(t＝3.04, p＜0.01), That is, the degree of self-confidence in mothering, activities concerning infant care, and understanding of infant behavior of the experimental group was higher than that of the control group. Therefore, the first hypothesis, that the degree of self-confidence in maternal role performance of the experimental group would be higher than that of the control group, was supported(t＝3.95, p＜0.01). 4. The degree of satisfaction in the maternal role performance of the exprimental group was higer than that or the control group(t＝2.31, p＜0.05). Out of 13 items, those with higher score in the experimental group were ‘I am glad I had this baby now’(t＝2.29, p＜0.05), ‘I enjoy taking care of the baby’(t＝2.4g, p＜0.01), ‘It is boring for me to care for the baby and do the same thing over and over’(t＝2.87, P＜0.01), ‘I am unhappy with the amount of time I have for activities other than childcare’(t＝2.51, p＜0.01), and ‘When bathing and diapering the baby, I would like to be doing something else’(t＝2.43, p＜0.01). That is, the degree of satisfaction in mothering, infant care, and restraints in time of on the mother's self accomplishment and development in the experimental group was higher than that of the control group. Therefore, the second hypothesis, that the degree of satisfaction in maternal role performance of the experimental group would be higher than that of the control group, was supported(t＝2.31, p＜0.05). 5. The third hypothesis, that the higher the degree of satisfaction in materenal role performance, the higher the degree of self-confidence in materenal role performance in the experimental group, was supported (r＝0.57, p＜0.01)

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.