• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.239-260
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• 2019

This paper examines the circulation and dissemination of painting during and after the nineteenth century through a case study on the One Hundred Fans paintings produced as decorative folding screens at the time. One Hundred Fans paintings refer to depictions of layers of fans in various shapes on which pictures of diverse themes are drawn. Fans and paintings on fans were depicted on paintings before the nineteenth century. However, it was in the nineteenth century that they began to be applied as subject matter for decorative paintings. Reflecting the trend of enjoying extravagant hobbies, fans and paintings on fans were mainly produced as folding screens. The folding screen of One Hundred Fans from the collection of the Museum am Rothenbaum Kulturen und Künste der Welt (hereafter Rothenbaum Museum) in Germany was first introduced to Korean in the exhibition The City in Art, Art in the City held at the National Museum of Korea in 2016. Each panel in this six-panel folding screen features more than five different fans painted with diverse topics. This folding screen is of particular significance since the National Museum of Korea holds the original drawings. In the nineteenth century, calligraphy and painting that had formerly been enjoyed by Joseon royal family members and the nobility in private spaces began to spread among common people and was distributed through markets. In accordance with the trend of adorning households, colorful decorative paintings were preferred, leading to the popularization of the production of One Hundred Fans folding screens with pictures in different shapes and themes. A majority of the Korean collection in the Rothenbaum Museum belonged to Heinrich Constantin Eduard Meyer(1841~1926), a German businessman who served as the Joseon consul general in Germany. From the late 1890s until 1905, Meyer traveled back and forth between Joseon and Germany and collected a wide range of Korean artifacts. After returning to Germany, he sequentially donated his collections, including One Hundred Fans, to the Rothenbaum Museum. Folding screens like One Hundred Fans with their fresh and decorative beauty may have attracted the attention of foreigners living in Joseon. The One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum is an intriguing work in that during its treatment, a piece of paper with the inscription of the place name "Donghyeon" was found pasted upside down on the back of the second panel. Donghyeon was situated in between Euljiro 1-ga and Euljiro 2-ga in present-day Seoul. During the Joseon Dynasty, a domestic handicraft industry boomed in the area based on licensed shops and government offices, including the Dohwaseo (Royal Bureau of Painting), Hyeminseo (Royal Bureau of Public Dispensary), and Jangagwon (Royal Bureau of Music). In fact, in the early 1900s, shops selling calligraphy and painting existed in Donghyeon. Thus, it is very likely that the shops where Meyer purchased his collection of calligraphy and painting were located in Donghyeon. The six-panel folding screen One Hundred Fans in the collection of the Rothenbaum Museum is thought to have acquired its present form during a process of restoring Korean artifacts works in the 1980s. The original drawings of One Hundred Fans currently housed in the National Museum of Korea was acquired by the National Folk Museum of Korea between 1945 and 1950. Among the seven drawings of the painting, six indicate the order of their panels in the margins, which relates that the painting was originally an eight-panel folding screen. Each drawing shows more than five different fans. The details of these fans, including small decorations and patterns on the ribs, are realistically depicted. The names of the colors to be applied, including 'red ocher', 'red', 'ink', and 'blue', are written on most of the fans, while some are left empty or 'oil' is indicated on them. Ten fans have sketches of flowers, plants, and insects or historical figures. A comparison between these drawings and the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum has revealed that their size and proportion are identical. This shows that the Rothenbaum Museum painting follows the directions set forth in the original drawings. The fans on the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum are painted with images on diverse themes, including landscapes, narrative figures, birds and flowers, birds and animals, plants and insects, and fish and crabs. In particular, flowers and butterflies and fish and crabs were popular themes favored by nineteenth century Joseon painters. It is noteworthy that the folding screen One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum includes several scenes recalling the typical painting style of Kim Hong-do, unlike other folding screens of One Hundred Fans or Various Paintings and Calligraphy. As a case in point, the theme of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" is depicted in the Rothenbaum folding screen even though it is not commonly included in folding screens of One Hundred Fans or One Hundred Paintings due to spatial limitations. The scene of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" in the Rothenbaum folding screen bears a resemblance to Kim Hong-do's folding screen of Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden at the National Museum of Korea in terms of its composition and style. Moreover, a few scenes on the Rothenbaum folding screen are similar to examples in the Painting Album of Byeongjin Year produced by Kim Hong-do in 1796. The painter who drew the fan paintings on the Rothenbaum folding screen is presumed to have been influenced by Kim Hong-do since the fan paintings of a landscape similar to Sainsam Rock, an Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden, and a Pair of Pheasants are all reminiscent of Kim's style. These paintings in the style of Kim Hong-do are reproduced on the fans left empty in the original drawings. The figure who produced both the original drawings and fan paintings appears to have been a professional painter influenced by Kim Hong-do. He might have appreciated Kim's Painting Album of Byeongjin Year or created duplicates of Painting Album of Byeongjin Year for circulation in the art market. We have so far identified about ten folding screens remaining with the One Hundred Fans. The composition of these folding screens are similar each other except for a slight difference in the number and proportion of the fans or reversed left and right sides of the fans. Such uniform composition can be also found in the paintings of scholar's accoutrements in the nineteenth century. This suggests that the increasing demand for calligraphy and painting in the nineteenth century led to the application of manuals for the mass production of decorative paintings. As the demand for colorful decorative folding screens with intricate designs increased from the nineteenth century, original drawings began to be used as models for producing various paintings. These were fully utilized when making large-scale folding screens with images such as Guo Ziyi's Enjoyment-of-Life Banquet, Banquet of the Queen Mother of the West, One Hundred Children, and the Sun, Cranes and Heavenly Peaches, all of which entailed complicated patterns. In fact, several designs repeatedly emerge in the extant folding screens, suggesting the use of original drawings as models. A tendency toward using original drawings as models for producing folding screens in large quantities in accordance with market demand is reflected in the production of the folding screens of One Hundred Fans filled with fans in different shapes and fan paintings on diverse themes. In the case of the folding screens of One Hundred Paintings, bordering frames are drawn first and then various paintings are executed inside the frames. In folding screens of One Hundred Fans, however, fans in diverse forms were drawn first. Accordingly, it must have been difficult to produce them in bulk. Existing examples are relatively fewer than other folding screens. As discussed above, the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum and its original drawings at the National Museum of Korea aptly demonstrate the late Joseon painting trend of embracing and employing new painting styles. Further in-depth research into the Rothenbaum painting is required in that it is a rare example exhibiting the influence of Kim Hong-do compared to other paintings on the theme of One Hundred Fans whose composition and painting style are more similar to those found in the work of Bak Gi-jun.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.10
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• pp.69-100
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• 1968

1. In order to investigate on the microflora and enzyme activity of mold wheat 'Nuruk' , the major source of microorganisms for the brewing of Takju (a Korean Sake), two samples of Nuruk, one prepared at the College of Agriculture, Chung Nam University (S) and the other perchased at a market (T), were taken for the study. The molds, aerobic bacteria, lactic acid bacteria, and yeasts were examined and counted. The yeasts were classified by the treatment with TTC (2, 3, 5 triphenyltetrazolium chloride) agar that yields a varied shade of color. The amylase and protease activities of Nuruk were measured. The results were as the followings. a) In the Nuruk S found were: Aspergillus oryzae group, $204{\times}10^5$; Black Aspergilli, $163{\times}10^5$; Rhizogus, $20{\times}10^5$; Penicillia, $134{\times}10^5$; Areobic bacteria, $9{\times}10^6-2{\times}10^7$; Lactic acid bacteria, $3{\times}10^4$ In the Nuruk T found were: Aspergillus oryzae group, $836{\times}10^5$; Black Aspergilli, $286{\times}10^5$; Rhizopus, $623{\times}10^5$; Penicillia, $264{\times}10^5$; Aerobic bacteria, $5{\times}10^6-9{\times}10^6$; Lactic acid bacteria, $3{\times}10^4$ b) Eighty to ninety percent of the aerobic bacteria in Nuruk S appeared to belong to Bacillus subtilis while about 70% of those in Nuruk T seemed to be spherical bacteria. In both Nuruks about 80% of lactic acid bacteria were observed as spherical ones. c) The population of yeasts in 1g. of Nuruk S was about $6{\times}10^5$, 56.5% of which were TTC pink yeasts, 16% of which were TTC red pink yeasts, 8% of which were TTC red yeasts, 19.5% of which were TTC white yeasts. In Nuruk T(1g) the number of yeasts accounted for $14{\times}10^4$ and constituted of 42% TTC pink. 21% TTC red pink 28% TTC red and 9% TTC white. d) The enzyme activity of 1g Nuruk S was: Liquefying type Amylase, $D^{40}/_{30},=256$ W.V. Saccharifying type Amylase, 43.32 A.U. Acid protease, 181 C.F.U. Alkaline protease, 240C.F.U. The enzyme activity of 1g Nuruk T was: Liquefying type Amylase $D^{40}/_{30},=32$ W.V. Saccharifying type amylase $^{30}34.92$ A.U. Acid protease, 138 C.F.U. Alkaline protease 31 C.F.U. 2. During the fermentation of 'Takju' employing the Nuruks S and T the microflora and enzyme activity throughout the brewing were observed in 12 hour intervals. TTC pink and red yeasts considered to be the major yeasts were isolated and cultured. The strains ($1{\times}10^6/ml$) were added to the mashes S and T in which pH was adjusted to 4.2 and the change of microflora was examined during the fermentation. The results were: a) The molds disappeared from each sample plot since 2 to 3 days after mashing while the population of aerobic bacteria was found to be $10{\times}10^7-35{\times}10^7/ml$ inS plots and $8.2{\times}10^7-12{\times}10^7$ in plots. Among them the coccus propagated substantially until some 30 hours elasped in the S and T plots treated with lactic acid but decreased abruptly thereafter. In the plots of SP. SR. TP. and TR the coccus had not appeared from the beginning while the bacillus showed up and down changes in number and diminished by 1/5-1/10 the original at the end stage. b) The lactic acid bacteria observed in the S plot were about $7.4{\times}10^7$ in number per ml of the mash in 24 hours and increased up to around $2{\times}10^8$ until 3-4 days since. After this period the population decreased rapidly and reached about $4{\times}10^5$ at the end, In the plot T the lactic acid becteria found were about $3{\times}10^8$ at the period of 24 fours, about $3{\times}10$ in 3 days and about $2{\times}10^5$ at the end in number. In the plots SP. SR. TP, and TR the lactic acid bacteria observed were as less as $4{\times}10^5$ at the stage of 24 hours and after this period the organisms either remained unchanged in population or ceased to exist. c) The maiority of lactic acid bacteria found in each mash were spherical and the change in number displayed a tendency in accordance with the amount of lactic acid and alcohol produced in the mash. d) The yeasts had showed a marked propagation since the period of 24 hours when the number was about $2{\times}10^8$ ㎖ mash in the plot S. $4{\times}10^8$ in 48 hours and $5-7{\times}10^8$ in the end period were observed. In the plot T the number was $4{\times}10^8$ in 24 hours and thereafter changed up and down maintaining $2-5{\times}10^8$ in the range. e) Over 90% of the yeasts found in the mashes of S and T plots were TTC pink type while both TTC red pink and TTC red types held range of $2{\times}10-3{\times}10^7$ throughout the entire fermentation. f) The population of TTC pink yeasts in the plot SP was as $5{\times}10^8$ much as that is, twice of that of S plot at the period of 24 hours. The predominance in number continued until the middle and later stages but the order of number became about the same at the end. g) Total number of the yeasts observed in the plot SR showed little difference from that of the plot SP. The TTC red yeasts added appeared considerably in the early stage but days after the change in number was about the same as that of the plot S. In the plot TR the population of TTC red yeasts was predominant over the T plot in the early stage which there was no difference between two plots there after. For this reason even in the plot w hers TTC red yeasts were added TTC pink yeasts were predominant. TTC red yeasts observed in the present experiment showed continuing growth until the later stage but the rate was low. h) In the plot TP TTC pink yeasts were found to be about $5{\times}10^8$ in number at the period of 2 days and inclined to decrease thereafter. Compared with the plot T the number of TTC pink yeasts in the plot TP was predominant until the middle stage but became at the later stage. i) The productivity of alcohol in the mash was measured. The plot where TTC pink yeasts were added showed somewhat better yield in the earely stage but at and after the middle stage the difference between the yeast-added and the intact mashes was not recognizable. And the production of alcohol was not proportional to the total number of yeasts present. j) Activity of the liquefying amylase was the highest until 12 hours after mashing, somewhat lowered once after that, and again increased around 36-48 hours after mashing. Then the activity had decreased continuously. Activity of saccharifying amylase also decreased at the period of 24 hours and then increased until 48 hours when it reached the maximum. Since, the activity had gradually decreased until 72 hours and rapidly so did thereafter. k) Activity of alkaline protease during the fermentation of mash showed a tendency to decrease continusously although somewhat irregular. Activity of acid protease increased until hours at the maximum, then decreased rapidly, and again increased, the vigor of acid protease showed better shape than that of alkaline protease throughout. 3. TTC pink yeasts that were predominant in number, two strains of TTC red pink yeasts that appeared throughout the brewing, and TTC red yeasts were identified and the physiological characters examined. The results were as described below. a) TTC pinkyeasts (B-50P) and two strains of TTC red pink yeasts (B-54 RP & B-60 RP) w ere identified as the type of Saccharomyces cerevisiae and TTC pink red yeasts CB-53 R) were as the type of Hansenula subpelliculosa. b) The fermentability of four strains above mentioned were measured as follows. Two strains of TTC red pink yeasts were the highest, TTC pink yeasts were the lowest in the fermantability. The former three strains were active in the early stage of fermentation and found to be suitable for manufacturing 'Takju' TTC red yeasts were found to play an important role in Takju brewing due to its strong ability to produce esters although its fermentability was low. c) The tolerance against nitrous acid of strains of yeast was marked. That against lactic acid was only 3% in Koji extract, and TTC red yeasts showed somewhat stronger resistance. The tolerance against alcohol of TTC pink and red pink yeasts in the Hayduck solution was 7% while that in the malt extract was 13%. However, that of TTC red yeasts was much weaker than others. Liguefying activity of gelatin by those four strains of yeast was not recognized even in 40 days. 4. Fermentability during Takju brewing was shown in the first two days as much as 70-80% of total fermentation and around 90% of fermentation proceeded in 3-4 days. The main fermentation appeared to be completed during :his period. Productivity of alcohol during Takju brewing was found to be apporximately 65% of the total amount of starch put in mashing. 5. The reason that Saccharomyces coreanuss found be Saito in the mash of Takju was not detected in the present experiment is considered due to the facts that Aspergillus oryzae has been inoculated in the mold wheat (Nuruk) since around 1930 and also that Koji has been used in Takju brewing, consequently causing they complete change in microflora in the Takju brewing. This consideration will be supported by the fact that the original flavor and taste have now been remarkably changed.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.13 no.3 s.20
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• pp.105-133
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• 1974

The present study is an attempt to solve the basic problems involved in the control of the Sclerotium disease. The biologic stranis of Sclerotium rolfsii Sacc., pathogen of Sclerotium disease of Magnolia kobus, were differentiated, and the effects of vitamins, various nitrogen and carbon sources on its mycelial growth and sclerotial production have been investigated. In addition the relationship between the cultural filtrate of Penicillium sp. and the growth of Sclerotium rolfsii, the tolerance of its mycelia or sclerotia to moist heat or drought and to Benlate (methyl-(butylcarbamoy 1)-2-benzimidazole carbamate), Tachigaren (3-hydroxy-5-methylisoxazole) and other chemicals were also clarified. The results are summarizee as follows: 1. There were two biologic strains, Type-l and Type-2 among isolates. They differed from each other in the mode of growth and colonial appearance on the media, aversion phenomenon and in their pathogenicity. These two types had similar pathogenicity to the Magnolia kobus and Robinia pseudoacasia, but behaved somewhat differently to the soybaen and cucumber, the Type-l being more virulent. 2. Except potassium nitrite, sodium nitrite and glycine, all of the 12 nitrogen sources tested were utilized for the mycelial growth and sclerotial production of this fungus when 10r/l of thiamine hydrochloride was added in the culture solution. Considering the forms of nitrogen, ammonium nitrogen was more available than nitrate nitrogen for the growth of mycelia, but nitrate nitrogen was better for sclerotia formation. Organic nitrogen showed different availabilities according to compounds used. While nitrite nitrogen was unavailable for both mycelial growth and sclerotial formation whether thiamine hydrochlioride was added or not. 3. Seven kinds of carbon sources examined were not effective in general, as long as thiamine hydrochloride was not added. When thiamine hydrochloride was added, glucose and saccharose exhibited mycelial growth, while rnaltose and soluble starch gave lesser, and xylose, lactose, and glycine showed no effect at all,. In the sclerotial production, all the tested carbon sources, except lactose, were effective, and glucose, maltose, saccharose, and soluble starch gave better results. 4. At the same level of nitrogen, the amount of mycelial growth increased as more carbon Sources were applied but decreased with the increase of nitrogen above 0.5g/1. The amount of sclerotial production decreased wi th the increase of carbon sources. 5. Sclerotium rolfsii was thiamine-defficient and required thiamine 20r/l for maximun growth of mycelia. At a higher concentration of more than 20r/l, however, mycelial growth decreased as the concentration increased, and was inhibited at l50r/l to such a degree of thiamine-free. 6. The effect of the nitrogen sources on the mycelial growth under the presence of thiamine were recognized in the decreasing order of $NH_4NO_3,\;(NH_4)_2SO_4,\;asparagine,\;KNO_3$, and their effects on the sclerotial production in the order of $KNO_3,\;NH_4NO_3,\;asparagine,\;(NH_4)_2SO_4$. The optimum concentration of thiamine was about 12r/l in $KNO_3$ and about 16r/l in asparagine for the growth of mycelia; about 8r/l in $KNO_3$ and $NH_4NO_3$, and 16r/l in asparagine for the production of sclerotia. 7. After the fungus started to grow, the pH value of cultural filtrate rapidly dropped to about 3.5. Hereafter, its rate slowed down as the growth amount increased and did not depreciated below pH2.2. 8. The role of thiamine in the growth of the organism was vital. If thiamine was not added, the combination of biotin, pyridoxine, and inositol did not show any effects on the growth of the organism at all. Equivalent or better mycelial growth was recognized in the combination of thiamine+pyridoxine, thiamine+inositol, thiamine+biotin+pyridoxine, and thiamine+biotin+pyridoxine+inositol, as compared with thiamine alone. In the combinations of thiamine+biotin and thiamine+biotin+inositol, mycelial growth was inhibited. Sclerotial production in dry weight increased more in these combinations than in the medium of thiamine alone. 9. The stimulating effects of the Penicillium cultural filtrate on the mycelial growth was noticed. It increased linearly with the increase of filtrate concentration up to 6-15 ml/50ml basal medium solution. 10. $NH_4NO_3$. as a nitrogen source for mycelial growth was more effective than asparasine regardless of the concentration of cultural filtrate. 11. In the series of fractionations of the cultural filtrate, mycelial growth occured in unvolatile, ether insoluble cation-adsorbed or anion-unadsorbed substance fractions among the fractions of volatile, unvolatile acids, ether soluble organic acids, ether insoluble, cation-adsorbed, cation-unadsorbed, anion-adsorbed and anion-unadsorbed. and anion-un-adsorbed substance tested. Sclerotia were produced only in cation-adsorbed fraction. 12. According to the above results, it was assumed that substances for the mycelial growth and sclerotial formation and inhibitor of sclerotial formation were include::! in cultural filtrate and they were quite different from each other. I was further assumed that the former two substances are un volatile, ether insotuble, and adsorbed to cation-exchange resin, but not adsorbed to anion, whereas the latter is unvolatile, ether insoluble, and not adsorbed to cation or anion-exchange resin. 13. Seven amino acids-aspartic acid, cystine, glysine, histidine, Iycine, tyrosine and dinitroaniline-were detected in the fractions adsorbed to cation-exchange resin by applying the paper chromatography improved with DNP-amino acids. 14. Mycelial growth or sclerotial production was not stimulated significantly by separate or combined application of glutamic acid, aspartic acid, cystine, histidine, and glysine. Tyrosine gave the stimulating effect when applied .alone and when combined with other amino acids in some cases. 15. The tolerance of sclerotia to moist heat varied according to their water content, that was, the dried sclerotia are more tolerant than wet ones. The sclerotia harvested directly from the media, both Type-1 and Type-2, lost viability within 5 minutes at $52^{\circ}C$. Sclerotia dried for 155 days at$26^{\circ}C$ had more tolerance: sclerotia of Type-l were killed in 15 mins. at $52^{\circ}C$ and in 5 mins. at $57^{\circ}C$, and sclerotia of Type-2 were killed in 10 mins. both at $52^{\circ}C$ or $57^{\circ}C$. 16. Cultural sclerotia of both strains maintained good germinability for 132 days at$26^{\circ}C$. Natural sclerotia of them stored for 283 days under air dry condition still had good germinability, even for 443 days: type-l and type-2 maintained $20\%$ and $26.9\%$ germinability, respectively. 17. The tolerance to low temperature increased in the order of mycelia, felts and sclerotia. Mycelia completely lost the ability to grow within 1 week at $7-8^{\circ}C$> below zero, while mycelial felts still maintained the viability after .3 weeks at $7-20^{\circ}C$ below zero, and sclerotia were even more tolerant. 18. Sclerotia of type-l and type-2 were killed when dipped into the $0.05\%$ solution of mercury chloride for 180 mins. and 240 mins. respectively: and in the $0.1\%$ solution, Type-l for 60 mins. and Type-2 for 30 mins. In the $0.125\%$ uspulun solution, Type-l sclerotia were killed in 180 mins., and those of Type-2 were killed for 90 mins. in the$0.125\%$solution. Dipping into the $5\%$ copper sulphate solution or $0.2\%$ solution of Ceresan lime or Mercron for 240 mins. failed to kill sclerotia of either Type-l or Type-2. 19. Inhibitory effect on mycelial growth of Benlate or Tachi-garen in the liquid culture increased as the concentration increased. 6 days after application, obvious inhibitory effects were found in all treatments except Benlate 0.5ppm; but after 12 days, distingushed diflerences were shown among the different concentrations. As compared with the control, mycelial growth was inhibited by $66\%$ at 0.5ppm and by $92\%$ at 2.0ppm of Benlate, and by$54\%$ at 1ppm and about $77\%$ at 1.5ppm or 2.0ppm of Tachigaren. The mycelial growth was inhibited completely at 500ppm of both fungicides, and the formation of sclerotia was checked at 1,000ppm of Benlate ant at 500ppm or 1,000ppm of Tachigaren. 20. Consumptions of glucose or ammonium nitrogen in the culture solution usually increased with the increment of mycelial growth, but when Benlate or Tachigaren were applied, consumptions of glucose or ammonium nitrogen were inhibited with the increment of concentration of the fungicides. At the low concentrations of Benlate (0.5ppm or 1ppm), however, ammonium nitrogen consumption was higher than that of the ontrol. 21. The amount of mycelia produced by consuming 1mg of glucose or ammonium nitrogen in the culture solution was lowered markedly by Benlate or Tachigaren. Such effects were the severest on the third day after their treatment in all concentrations, and then gradually recovered with the progress of time. 22. In the sand culture, mycelial growth was not inhibited. It was indirectly estimated by the amount of $CO_2$ evolved at any concentrations, except in the Tachigaren 100mg/g sand in which mycelial growth was inhibited significantly. Sclerotial production was completely depressed in the 10mg/g sand of Benlate or Tachigaren. 23. There was no visible inhibitory effect on the germination of sclerotia when the sclerotia were dipped in the solution 0.1, 1.0, 100, 1.000ppm of Benlate or Tachigaren for 10 minutes or even 20 minutes.

• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.3059-3088
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• 1973

The Object of research was laid on the dry paddy field which had a low level of underground water, rather than on a paddy field with a high level of underground water. In the treatment of the clay paddy field before transplanting we employed 3 kinds of methods; deep plowing, development of cracks by drying the surface of the field under which pipe drain was built. This study was to find which one, among these three methods, is the most effective to let roots extend to deep zone and increase the yield of rice and at the same time, for trafficability of large scale machinery which will be introduced to the harvest, in the light of the earth bearing capacity in relation with underground drainage. In the treatments of plots, 1) the kyong plot was plowed 39 days before transplanting and dried, 2) the kyun plot was plowed again 2days before transplanting after plowing 39 days before transplanting, leveling field surface in the saturation with water and developing the cracks by drying, 3) the kyunam plot was plowed again 2 days before transplanting after setting the drainage pipe and at the same time plowing 39 days before transplanting, leveling field surface in the saturation with water and developing the cracks by drying. Also each plot above had three different levels of soil depth, respectively; that is 15cm, 25cm, 35cm. The kyong plot with 15cm-depth was he control. The results obtained were as follows; 1. The kyunam plot showed a remarkably lager amount of water consumption by better underground drainage than the kyong and the kyun plot, and the kyong plot indicated a greater amount of water consumption than the kyun plot. Therefore the amount of available rainfall was decreased in the order of kyunam>kyong>kyun. The net duty of water decreased in the order of kyunam>kyong>kyun and its showed about 105cm in depth at the kyunam plot, about 70cm in depth at the kyong plot and about 45cm in depth at kyun plot, regardless of soil depth. 2. According to the tendency that the weight of the total root was effected by the maximum depth of the crack, it seemed that the root development was more affected by the depth of the crack than by only the crack itself. The weight of the total roots tended to increase as the depth of the crack got deeper and deeper, and the weight of the total roots was increased in the order of kyun<kyunam<kyong. 3. In the growing of the plant height, the difference did not appear at the beginning of growing(peak period of tillering) of any plot, But for the mid period of growing(ending period of tillering) to the period of young panicle formation, the deeper the depth of plot is, the more the growing goes down. On the contrary at the late period of growing, growth was more vigorous in the plot with deep depth than in the plot with shallow depth. Since the midperiod of growing, in the light of experimental treatment, the kyun plot was not better in growing than the other two plots and no remarkable defference was shown between the kyunam and the kyong plot, but the kyunam plot had the tendency of superiority in growing plant height. 4. As the depth of plot went deeper, the decreasing tendency was shown in the number of tillers through a whole period of growingi. When the above results were observed concering each plot of experimental treatment, the kyun plot was always smaller in the number of tiilers than the kyunam and the kvong plot, and the kyong plot was slightly larger than the kyunam plot in the number of tillers. 5. When each plot of the different experimental treatments was compared with the control plot(15-kyong), yield(weight of grains) was increased by 17% for the 35-kyong plot, by 10% for the 35-kyunam and yields for the other plots were less or nomore than the control plot. On the whole, as the depth of plot went deeper, yields for plots was increased in the order of kyong>kyunam>kyun. 1% of significance between the levels of depths and 5% of significance between the treatments were shown. 6. The depth of consumptive water which was more effective on the weight of grains is that of the last half period. When the depth of consumptive water was increased at the range of less than 2.7cm/day in the 15cm plot, 3.0cm/day in the 25cm plot and 3.3cm/day in the 35cm plot, the weight of grains was increased, and at the same time the weight of grains was increased as the depth of plot went deeper. The deeper plots was of advantage to the productivity at the same depth of consumptive water. 7. The increase in the weight of grains in propertion to the weighte of root showed a tendency to increase depending on the depth of plot at each plot of the same weight of roots. The weight of roots and grains together increasezd in the order of kyun>kyunam>kyong, considering each treatment of experimental plot. The weight of grains was in relation to the minimum water content ratio during the midperiod of surface drainage and the average earth temperature was mainly affected by the minimum water content ratio because it was relatively increased in proportion to the water content ratio(at less than 40%) 8. The weight ratio of straw to grain showed an increasing tendency at the plot of shallow depth and had a relation of an inversely exponental function to the weight of roots. At the same depth of plot except the 15cm plot, the weight ratio of straw to grain was increased in proportion to the depth of consumptive water. The weight of grains was increased as the depth of consumptive water was increased to some extent, but at the same time the weight of ratio of straw to grain was increased. 9. At a certain texture of soils the increase in the amount of the cracks depends on meteorological conditions, especially increase in amounts of pan evaporation. So if it rains during the progressing of field drying the cracks largely decrease. The amount of cracks of clay soil had relation of inversely exponental function to the water content ratio(at more than 25%). The maximum depth of crack kept generally a constant value at less than 30% of water content ratio. 10. The cone index showed the tendency that it was propertional to the amount of cracks within a certain limit but more or less inversely proportional over a certain limit. The water content ratio at the limit may be about 25%. 11. The increase in the cone index with the progressing of time after final surface drainage showed the tendency that it was proportional to the depth of consumptive water at the last half of growing period. Based on the same depth of if the cone index in the kyunam plot was much larger than in the other two plots and that in the kyong plot was much smaller than in the kyun plott, as long as the depth of plot was deeper, especially in the 35-kyong plot. 12. In the light of a situation where water content ratio of soil decreased and the cone index increased after final surface drainage the porogress of the field dryness was much more rapid in the kyunam plot than in the kyong plot and the kyun plot, especially slowest in the kyong plot. In the plot with deeper zone the progress was much slower. The progress requiring the value of the cone index, $2.5kg/cm^2$, that working machinary can move easily on the field changed with the time of final surface drainage and the amount of rainfall, but without nay rain it required, in the kyunam plot, about 44mm in total amount of pan evaporation and more than 50mm in the other two plots. Therefore the drying in the kyunam plot was generally more rapid in the kyunam plot was generally more rapid over 2days than in the kyun plot, and especially may be more rapid over 5days than in the 35-kyong plot.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.19-62
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• 1985

This study was performed to investigate: (i) the bending processing properties of silk worm oak (Quercus acutissima Carr.) and Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora S. et Z.) by boiling and steaming treatments; (ii) the effects of interrelated factors - sapwood and heartwood, annual ring placement, softening temperature and time, moisture content. and wood defects on bending processing properties; (iii) the changing rates of bending radii after release from a tension strap, and (iv) the improving methods of bending process by treatment with chemicals. The size of specimens tested was $15{\times}15{\times}350mm$ for boiling and steaming treatments and $5{\times}10{\times}200mm$ for treatments with chemicals. The specimens were green for boiling treatments and dried to 15 percent for steaming treatments. The specimens for treatments with chemicals were soaked in saturated urea solution, 35 percent formaldehyde solution, 25 percent polyethylene glycol -400 solution, and 25 percent ammonium hydroxide solution for 5 days and immediately followed the bending process, respectively. The results obtained were as follows: 1. The internal temperature of silk worm oak and Korean red pine by boiling and steaming time was raised slowly to $30^{\circ}C$ but rapidly from $30^{\circ}C$ to $80-90^{\circ}C$ and then slowly from $80-90^{\circ}C$ to $100^{\circ}C$. 2. The softening time required to the final temperature was directly proportional to the thickness of specimen. The time required from $25^{\circ}C$ to $100^{\circ}C$ for 15mm-squared specimen was 9.6-11.2 minutes in silk worm oak and 7.6-8.1 minutes in Korean red pine. 3. The moisture content (M.C.) of specimen by steaming time was increased rapidly first 4 minutes in the both species, and moderately from 4 to 20 minutes and then slowly and constantly in silk worm oak, and moderately from 4 to 15 minutes and then slowly and constantly in Korean red pine. The M.C. of 15mm-squared specimen in 50 minutes of steaming was increased to 18.0 percent in the oak and 22.4 percent in the pine from the initial conditioned M.C. of 15 percent The rate of moisture adsorption measured was therefore faster in the pine than in the oak. 4. The mechanical properties of the both species were decreased significantly with the increase of boiling rime. The decrement by the boiling treatment for 60 minutes was measured to 36.6-45.0 percent in compressive strength, 12.5-17.5 percent in tensile strength, 31.6-40.9 percent in modulus of rupture, and 23.3-34.6 percent in modulus of elasticity. 5. The minimum bending radius (M.B.R.) of sapwood and heartwood was 60-80 mm and 90 mm in silk worm oak, and 260 - 300 mm and 280 - 300 mm in Korean red pine, respectively. Therefore, the both species showed better bending processing properties in sapwood than in heartwood. 6. The M.B.R. of edge-grained and flat-grained specimen in suk worm oak was 60-80 mm, but the M.B.R. in Korean red pine was 240-280 mm and 260-360 mm, respectively. Comparing the M.B.R. of edge-grained with flat-grained specimen, in the pine the edge-grained showed better bending processing property than the flat-grained. 7. The bending processing properties of the both species were improved by the rising of softening temperature from $40^{\circ}C$ to $100^{\circ}C$. The minimum softening temperature for bending was $90^{\circ}C$ in silk worm oak and $80^{\circ}C$ in Korean red pine, and the dependency of softening temperature for bending was therefore higher in the oak than in the pine. 8. The bending processing properties of the both species were improved by the increase of softening time as well as temperature, but even after the internal temperature of specimen reaching to the final temperature, somewhat prolonged softening was required to obtain the best plastic conditions. The minimum softening time for bending of 15 mm-squared silk worm oak and Korean red pine specimen was 15 and 10 minutes in the boiling treatment, and 30 and 20 minutes in the steaming treatment, respectively. 9. The optimum M.C. for bending of silk worm oak was 20 percent, and the M.C. above fiber saturation point rather degraded the bending processing property, whereas the optimum M.C. of Korean red pine needed to be above 30 percent. 10. The bending works in the optimum conditions obtained as seen in Table 24 showed that the M.B.R. of silk worm oak and Korean red pine was 80 mm and 240 mm in the boiling treatment, and 50 mm and 280 mm in the steaming treatment, respectively. Therefore, the bending processing property of the oak was better in the steaming than in the boiling treatment, but that of the pine better in the boiling than in the steaming treatment. 11. In the bending without a tension strap, the radio r/t of the minimum bending radius t to the thickness t of silk worm oak and Korean red pine specimen amounted to 16.0 and 21.3 in the boiling treatment, and 17.3 and 24.0 in the steaming treatment, respectively. But in the bending with a tension strap, the r/t of the oak and the pine specimen decreased to 5.3 and 16.0 in t he boiling treatment, and 3.3 and 18.7 in the steaming treatment, respectively. Therefore, the bending processing properties of the both species were significantly improved by the strap. 12. The effect of pin knot on the degradation of bending processing property was very severe in silk worm oak by side, e.g. 90 percent of the oak specimens with pin knot on the concave side were ruptured when bent to a 100 mm radius but only 10 percent of the other specimens with pin knot on the convex side were ruptured. 13. The changing rate in the bending radius of specimen bent to a 300 mm radius after 30 days of exposure to room temperature conditions was measured to 4.0-10.3 percent in the boiling treatment and 13,0-15.0 percent in the steaming treatment. Therefore, the degree of spring back after release was higher in the steaming than in the boiling treatment. And the changing rate of moisture-proofing treated specimen by expoxy resin coating was only -1.0.0 percent. 14. Formaldehyde, 35 percent solution, and 25 percent polyethylene glycol-400 solution found no effect on the plasticization of the both species, but saturated urea solution and 25 percent ammonium hydroxide solution found significant effect in comparison to non-treated specimen. But the effect of the treatment with chemicals alone was inferior to that of the steaming treatment, and the steaming treatment after the treatment with chemicals improved 10-24 percent over the bending processing property of steam-bent specimen. 15. Three plasticity coefficients - load-strain coefficient, strain coefficient, and energy coefficient - were evaluated to be appropriate for the index of bending processing property because the coefficients had highly significant correlation with the bending radius. The fitness of the coefficients as the index was good at load-strain coefficient, energy coefficient, and strain coefficient, in order.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.