• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.132-150
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• 2022

Designated as a national intangible cultural asset, the fish weir is a traditional fishing method and was a leading fishing tool in Korean coastal fishery. As the littoral sea area fishing vessel fishery developed since the 1970s, traditional fishing methods including fish weirs began to decline. The fish weir has been passed down in the form of tools such as fish weirs, stone weirs, and bamboo weirs. In Namhae-gun and Sacheon City in Gyeongsangnam-do, anchovies are caught using bamboo weirs. A basic bamboo weir consists of a fish trap(balgong), a space where fish gather together, and a V- or U-shaped wooden fence(halgaji) that helps fish come inside the fish trap. Its fishing method is to catch fish that have come to the coast during high tide alongside those are stuck inside fish traps(balgong) with nets or scoop nets. This paper examined the process of passing down traditional fishing methods through a comparative analysis of the bamboo weir structures and fishing methods in the Namhae and Sacheon regions. First, the historical process of assembling the current bamboo weir structure was analyzed. The bamboo weir, a fishing tool, appears to have combined the features of past weirs and fish weirs based on the Jijok Strait and Samcheonpo Strait. Next, this paper examined the structure and fishing method of the two types of bamboo weirs made with a circular or square fish trap(balgong) where fish gather. Through this analysis, this study examined the lives of fishermen who have adapted to their natural environment and actively utilized obtainable resources(materials), and then changed the traditional fishing method of bamboo weirs and developed them into an appropriate technology. Lastly, a new value attributed to anchovies caught using bamboo weirs was analyzed. This new value extracted from better bamboo weir anchovies works as a mechanism to uphold the tradition of anchovy-catching bamboo-weir fishing, which produces a smaller amount of anchovies compared to other methods of anchovy fishing. In this way, bamboo weir fishing has been passed down as a result of its differentiated aspect of producing better anchovies than those produced with other fishing methods, as well as the historical aspect of it being a traditional fishing method.

• Korea Science and Art Forum
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• v.19
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• pp.293-305
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• 2015

At the same time the unique cultural traits of each country are valued, it has become an essential element to establish the cultural identity of a country. This study is aimed at comparing the residence architectural cultures in East-Asia and thus identifying Korea's own unique traits by determining the application characteristics of traditional architectures of Korea, China and Japan through practical investigation of materials, a basic element of architectural shaping. Literature survey and field study were conducted in parallel for this study, and architectural buildings under investigation included Mucheomdang House in Korea, Prince Gong Mansion in China and Dokyudo Building in Japan. Construction materials in Korea, China and Japan include natural materials such as wood, stone and clay, and artificial materials such as metals, paper, roof tiles, plug and glass. and the buildings were constructed with the combination of these materials. This commonality can be often found in the architectural composition. However, in the interior composition, the choice and application of different materials were clear between three countries, which were shown to be different depending on climates, processing methods and living culture of each country. First of all, since each country selected materials under the influence of its own vegetation and climates, living environment of each country could be seen via its residence. Also, it could be seen that while Korea and Japan show a certain similarity such as the traits of standing-sitting culture and the finish of paper in the interior, China is clearly different. In particular, regarding the material processing, the artificial processing was minimized in Korea, which mainly gave rough and crude feelings while due to the use of straight timbers, the architectural representation with organized and refined feelings was made in Japan. China showed the highest percentage of artificial processing of materials among three countries, which was highly associated with the coloring culture of China. Also, it could be seen that technology related to fine architectural materials such as bricks and glass was greatly advanced in China. Thus, how immaterial elements such as natural characteristics, functionality and aesthetics were applied in relation to residence in Korea, Japan and China could be determined through the comparison of architectural materials.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.26-37
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• 2015

This paper aims to review all landscaping elements of Donggwoldo by building and identify the palatial garden landscaping characteristics and landscaping methods in a bid to explore landscaping methods applicable for modern-time gardens of Korea through Succession of Tradition. The research methodology was adopted by which the palatial gardens appearing in Donggwoldo were observed according to garden elements to identify their characteristics. Garden elements in Donggwoldo include oddly shaped stones, ponds, buildings and Madang, borders and areas, and trees. Their characteristics were analyzed, and as a result they are outlined as follows. Location : Buildings in Donggwoldo were located in the optimal areas within the Myungdang (the best location), with the building sites being created by transforming the natural topography positively according to the existing topography and uses. Tree planting : The construction of the buildings involved using the existing trees. There were no specific principle and method of planting trees, and no specific criteria for choosing the kind of tree. Symmetrical planting was adopted and its is considered embracing the viewpoint of making gardens based on the expression of Yin and Yang. Strongly symbolical kinds of trees were also adopted. Bangji : it takes a nearly circular shape in palatial gardens, and such shapes represent conceptual and abstract symbols. They were also frequently used as the place of public entertainment. Pavilions : they did not take a certain standard shape. They had diverse shapes, including a triangle, square, pentagon, hexagon, and octagon and cross. Oddly shaped stones : Oddly shapes stones and stone cases were deployed mainly near the bedroom and the crow prince's residence and in the rear garden. Hwagye : it appeared mainly in the back of the bedroom, the crown prince's residence, the princess's residence, and other women's quarters. Chwibyeong : it was installed for the purpose of drawing the natural energy like a natural inlet instead of being the nature-dividing wall. Korea's garden composition method was very different from the Western and Chinese method. Overall, Chosun palatial garden style was characterized by strict and Confucian features, while the garden construction method adopted the Taoism thought. Yet, the gardens had a carefree aspect.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.3-8
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• 1977

A bark comprises about 10 to 20 percents of a typical log by volume, and is generally considered as an unwanted residue rather than a potentially valuable resource. As the world has been confronted with decreasing forest resources, natural resources pressure dictate that a bark should be a raw material instead of a waste. The utilization of the largely wasted bark of genus Quercus grown in Korea can be enhanced by learning its anatomical structure and properties. In this paper, bark characteristics of Quercus grown in Korea are described. In bark anatomy, general features such as color of rhytidome, exfoliating form, color of periderm, arrangement of periderm, and thickness of the inner and outer hark. etc., arc discussed. Studies on the microscopic structure include sieve tube, companion cell, parenchyma, pholem fiber, ray, periderm(phelloderm, phelloogen, phellem), sclereid, and crystal, etc. The results may be summarized as follows: 1. In general characteristics of rhytidomes, exfoliating is not easy and sclereids are distint to the naked eye. Inner bark is thicker than that of outer bark except in case of Q. variabilis. 2. It is not clear to distinguish between phelloderm and phellogen in Quercus bark. The phellem is developed conspicuously in Q. variabilis but that of Q. accutissima is composed of thinwalled phellem and thickwalled stone cell. 3. Quercus Bark has sieve tube, companion cell, phloem fiber and sclereid. Sclereids of Quercus bark are the most distinguished characteristics comparing with pinus and populus. The volume percent of sclereids are higher than that of fiber. 4. Rays are 1~3 seriate, and multiseriate ranging with from 15 to 20. 5. Parenchyma cell contains two types, polygonal and druses crystal.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.206-225
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• 2019

This paper examines the trade and development aspects of glass mirrors through the literature records of the Joseon Dynasty, and studies the characteristics of existing glass mirror crafts by referring to the terms and types shown in the literature. The glass mirror in the records had called western mirrors(西洋鏡, 洋鏡), glass mirrors(玻璃鏡, 玻瓈鏡), stone mirrors(石鏡), etc. Glass mirrors were imported mainly through trade with Russia and the Qing Dynasty since the 17th century and were banned from importation in the late Joseon Dynasty. These mirrors were something new that caused a great stirring in Joseon society in the 18th century, and in the 19th century, it grew larger as a commodity needed for everyday life, especially with trade with Japan. At that time, glass mirrors were used for various purposes, such as installing large glass at a store, which were not the standard mirror usage of confirming one's appearance. These mirrors surprised Koreans in Joseon who experienced them at Yanjing Liulichang(燕京 琉璃廠) in the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, the demand for glass mirrors rapidly increased and quickly surpassed that of bronze mirrors. Consequentially, new crafts using glass mirrors instead of bronze mirrors in Joseon began to be produced and used after the 18th century. In particular, integrated flat boards of glass mirrors were developed as crafts used indoors. It was convenient to use the hair comb box, a long-time presence in Joseon society, with the bronze mirror. This kind of mirror remained apparent in various genre paintings, including the Taepyeong Seongsido(太平城市圖, 'A Thriving City in a Peaceful Era') collected the National Museum of Korea which reflect its populism of the times. Also, the Mirror Stand(鏡臺) used in the Qing Period was produced in Joseon, but there was a difference in the way of making the drawers and box shapes between two nations. On the other hand, the Face Mirror(面鏡) was made to look at the face. Various crafts made with the aesthetic sense of Joseon, such as the ox horn inlaying craft technique, were produced with auspicious designs. In the 19th century, glass mirrors were imported from European countries, such as France, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, however after the end of the 19th century Japanese crafts were popular. Glass mirrors, which were popular in the Meiji and Taisho eras of Japan, were imported and also the Mirror Screen(鏡屛) using large glass mirrors were used. In particular, the mirror screen had developed wood furniture since the previous time, which were used for banquets and large spaces, such as the drawing room, and were imported from China and Japan. In addition, the western architectural effect of attaching a mirror to the wall was also attempted to adjust the brightness of the space and introduce another image and scenery in the mirror. This was done at Deoksugung Palace's Seokjojeon.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.101-109
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• 2012

Traditional village forests in Jeju Island represent unique cultural landscape with a history of more than several hundred years as a national cultural asset in Korea. In this paper, the characteristics and meaning of traditional village forests in Jeju Island was compared with the Dangsan and Bibo forests at inland. There are 368 Oreums, parasitic volcano, and 391 shrines of Dang(Divine place) in Jeju. Life, culture and tradition of rural villages are all connected with the Dang and Oreum in Jeju. It has been found from this study that the village in Jeju were established as a cultural landscape on the surface of natural landscape. The features of traditional villages focused on the Dang and Oreum in Jeju Island were similar to the Dangsan and Bibo forestsat inland villages. The Oreum represents mountain and the Pojedan forest is newly found in Sangmyung-ri. The seashore areas are covered by vaocanic rocks in Jeju and large scale windbreaks are hardly found. The stone tower at Sinheung-ri built for blocking sand movement represents Bibo forest. The special attribute of the Dang in Jeju is that it is close to real life and believers are still remain. In 2009, the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut ritual was nominated as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO. The shrine of Dang, however, has been degraded fast by construction of seashore road and Jeju Olle trail path. As for the world cultural heritage discussed at international conferences, it is important that there is sustainability on the right to enjoy cultural heritage. Integrated efforts from local residents, local governments and national government are needed to set up a management scheme for the Dang culture. Rural villages in Jeju with the Dang and Oreum are expected to get an international attention as to have traditional cultural landscapes of Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.109-125
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• 2008

Recently, there has been an increase in excavation studies of wood pagodas from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Shilla periods and new data related to wood pagoda erection are being found bringing about progress in research on this field. In other words, studies on wooden pagodas in Korea were composed mainly of flat, axis construction techniques and sarijangeomgu, but by acquiring new data, it has now become possible to study not only the stylobate construction procedure and transition, but also studies on restoring wooden pagodas. Furthermore, pagoda sites similar to this were found in China and Japan as well, making it possible to make comparative studies among ancient wooden pagodas possible. In this paper, the main remains were set as Baekjae wooden pagodas, which were the most frequently studied and among the wooden pagodas, the simcho (central base stone) and sarira housing locations. In result, simcho can be found changing its position from underground ${\rightarrow}$ halfway underground ${\rightarrow}$ above ground. Baekjae wooden pagodas up until the mid sixth century located at Neungsan-ri saji (AD 567) and Wangheungsaji (AD 577) had its simcho located underground and later it was constructed halfway underground and then above ground. It was confirmed that in the 7th century, it became customary to place above ground as seen in the Jaeseoksaji (AD639) and Hwangnyongsaji (AD645) wooden pagoda sites. The sarira was usually located on the south side of the simcho, but gradually changed to the center. In particular, sarira were combined in the simcho in the mid sixth century at the Wangheungsaji. This is approximately 11 years earlier than the Bijosa (AD 588) simcho found in Japan and this was not found even in the simcho of wooden pagodas in Yeongnyeongsa (AD 516) and Jopaengseong temple (AD 535~561) of China showing that the Wangheungsaji simcho was the earliest of its kind.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.106-130
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• 2009

The aim of this paper is analysis of structure and development pattern about wooden coffin and chamber tombs in Gyeongju from the 2nd century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D. for researching to socio-political tendency and growth process of Sarokuk. Tombs buried with iron objects were built in Youngnam(嶺南) from the 2nd century B.C. with spread wooden coffin with stone mound(積石木棺墓). Also medium or small sized wooden coffin tombs buried with bronze mirror of western Han(前漢) and soft stoneware(瓦質土器) were appeared the 2nd century B.C. in Gyeongju, because of establishment of Han's commanderies(漢郡縣) in the Korean Peninsula and refuge from Daedong river(大同江) to Jinhan(辰韓). Separate tombs(獨立墓) with lots of bronze object ware assumed high ranked tombs of parsonage(司祭王) or local chief(地域首長). From the 2nd century A.D. the size of wooden coffin tombs became enlarged and funerary objects ware abundant, for example Sarari 130th tomb(舍羅里 130號). The burying pattern of this tomb is similar to wooden chamber tombs in Lelang(樂浪), which had prestige goods like lacquer ware and bronze mirror in wood box(木匣) beside coffin. Appearance of these wooden chamber tombs that were different from original wooden coffin tombs imply interaction between Lelang and these area with iron. Sarari community that held right of trade and distribution to outside through the geographical advantage grew up centered position in Gyeongju politically, socially, and culturally. Chamber in tomb as a new structural notion that can secure funerary objects became firmly was established from the 2nd century A.D. in Gyeongju and large sized wooden chamber tombs were generally built early of the 3rd century A.D. This tendency was reflected in stratification of community and growth as center of local state. After late of the 3rd century A.D. Gyeongju type wooden chamber tomb(慶州式木槨墓) which had subordinate outer coffin(副槨) was appeared and then subordinate outer coffin was as bigger as main chamber(主槨) the 4th century A.D., because of centralization and stratification in society and unification of various communities among the Gyeongju area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.91-120
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• 2004

The Yan mountain area of the northern part of Hebei province and its local neighbor area is categorized main-distribution area of the northern bronze culture of the Eastern Zhou period(770bc~221bc). Recently, it was discovered the concrete character of the culture by a large scale excavation of the Yuhuangmiao cemetery at Jundu mountain. In the chinese scholarship, the cultural character of this area has established the independent cultural type that is distinguished from the Bronze culture of existing. In this paper, I have as a target of analysis remains relate to the Yuhuangmiao culture of the mountain area of northern Hebei in the Eastern Zhou period. And I would like to judge about diverse infuluential relationships of the character of the Yuhuangmiao curture and the Bronze culture, especially burials, burial customs and the characters of the excavated article. In particular, diverse infuluential relationships of the upper Xiajiadian culture Ordos bronze culture and The Central Plains cultural from The Yan state have a important meaning to understand about the character of the Yuhuangmiao culture and the beginning development process. Ultimately, it is peculiar characters of the Yuhuangmiao culture that a shaft gave with stone compartment protecting a coffin as a symbolic form, mask-burial customs such as mainly burials of the living with the dead dogs, a drum shaped jar, a tripod jar with two handles, a short bronze sword with circle hilt, Central Plains cultural bronze containers, bronze halberd and horse-shaped accessories of cartage horse trapping are distinguished from a local neighbor, the bronze culture from northern. The territory of time-space of The Yuhuangmiao culture can be dominately recognized bewteen the upper Xiajiadian culture and Ordos bronze culture. It is the Yan culture after the middle Warring States Period considering with the peculiar chacters which reflected by burials and bural customs and diverse infuluential relationships with peripheral cultures.