KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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v.28
no.3C
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pp.187-196
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2008
An earthquake of magnitude 5.0 occurred at Ssang-gye-sa, a Buddhist temple in Jirisan, located near the southern border of the Korean peninsula on 4 July 1936. It resulted in severe damage of several buildings and structures in Ssang-gye-sa. Particularly, the top component of a five-story stone pagoda in the temple was tipped over and fell down during the earthquake. This earthquake damage case would be usefully applied to estimating the intensity of ground motion in the Korean peninsula, a moderate seismicity region, where strong motion has never been recorded with the exception of historic seismic events. In order to estimate the local site effects and the corresponding ground motion at Ssang-gye-sa site, intensive site investigations including borehole drilling and in-situ seismic tests such as crosshole and SASW tests were performed in the temple area. Based on the site characteristics, site-specific seismic response analyses using various input motions were conducted for a representative Ssang-gye-sa site by means of both one-dimensional equivalent-linear and nonlinear methods with six input rock outcrop acceleration levels ranging from 0.044g to 0.220g. The resultant site-specific seismic responses indicated the amplified ground motions in the short-period range near the site period of Ssang-gye-sa. Furthermore, the intensity on rock outcrop of the 1936 Jirisan earthquake was estimated by making a comparison between the site responses analysis results in this study and the full-scaled seismic test of pagoda model in the prior study.
The 卍 shape which is used as an aesthetical feature for traditional architecture can be seen in the stair railings of the house shaped ceramic potteries in the Eastern Han dynasty(A.D. 25-220) but with the introduction of Buddhism, it has been widely used for the decoration of the sarira(small crystals of the cremated monks) case. After the shape was seen in the Yungang and Dunhwang grottoes mural paintings, the use of it has been expanded. In Korea during the excavation of the Gyeongju Anapji which was the Eastern palace of the Shilla dynasty, a 卍 shaped wood which had been used as a handrail was found and this shape was also used in the railings of the Shilsangsa Baekjangarn temple stone pagoda and lantern and in the sarira case excavated in the Songrimsa temple stone pagoda. In Japan, the Nara period(A.D. 710-794) when there were many cultural exchanges with the Korean peninsula, the handrails of the 2ndfloor of the main hall of Hoyu-ji temple has a 卍 shape. This can be confirmed that this shape has been widely used as a design in Asian Buddhist architecture. Gilsangoonhae(吉祥雲海) which is the symbolic meaning of this shape means for long life and luck which had been used generally for the window designs of temples, palaces, and houses. In this study, it is giving the definition the beginning and the symbolic meaning of the 卍 shape which is being used from the ancient times until nowadays and the change of this shape used for window designs.
Seoul City built a facility for conservation of the Wongaksajisipcheungseoktap (Ten storied stone pagoda of Wongaksa Temple site, National treasure No. 2). It has speciality glass(thickness 21.5㎜) between steel-frames(8.4m, length 8.4m, height 15.4m). So we investigated the inside of facility to know whether the environment alvariation exists. We measured continuously the temperature and relative humidity, twice for the particulate, once for the $SO_2$(sulfur dioxide), $NO_2$(nitrogen dioxide)and $O_3$(ozone) from September $1_st$, 2000 to August $31_st$, 2001.The temperature and relative humidity, have a tendency to vary, and they have no difference between the inside and the outside. As dewy phenomenon doesn appear on the surface of the Pagoda and facility we know that the inside air is moving. As a result of the particulate is $64\mug$/$m_3$ of average concentration, the particulate fluxed inside don’t flow out because air-velocity of the outside is faster than that of the inside. The air pollutants are 0.036ppm/hr of SO$_2$average concentration, 0.028ppm/hr of $NO_2$ average concentration and 0.008ppm/hr of $O_3$ average concentration which are lower than the Environmental Air Quality Standards($SO_2$ : 0.15ppm/hr, $NO_2$ : 0.25ppm/hr,O3 : 0.1ppm/hr).
Kim, Kyeong-Su;Lee, Choon-Oh;Song, Young-Suk;Cho, Yong-Chan
Proceedings of the Korean Geotechical Society Conference
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2008.03a
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pp.1378-1385
/
2008
The probability of landslide hazards was predicted to natural terrain around the stone relics of Jinjeon-saji area, which is located in Yangyang, Kangwon Province. As the analysis results of field investigation, laboratory test and geology and geomorphology data, the effect factors of landslides occurrence were evaluated, and then the landslides prediction map was made up by use of prediction model considering the effect factors. The susceptibility of stone relics induced by landslides was investigated as the grading classification of occurrence probability using the landslides prediction map. In the landslides prediction map, the high probability area of landslides over 70% of occurrence probability was 3,489m3, which was 10.1% of total prediction area. If landslides are occurred at the high elevation area, the three stories stone pagoda of Jinjeon-saji (National treasure No.122) and the stone lantern of Jinjeon-saji (Treasure No.439) will be collapsed by debris flow.
In this study stone heritages of 533 which is to be investigated through the five years for national treasures and treasures from 2001 to 2005 have been analyzed by statistics for types of stone heritages and rocks, level of alteration in order to make full use of guiding principle in conservation management of stone heritages. The ratio of stone pagoda as a percentage of 34.5% in the stone heritages much higher than others and that is composed of granite(83.0%) in the igneous rock. In the weathering index of surface, a 37.5% of the national treasures were classified with the level 4 and46.3% of the treasure were the level 3 according to state. The present condition of organism distribution take up 30.6% for the level 3 and 22.1% for level 1. In structural stability index, a 40.6%of the national treasures and a 54.2% of treasure were ranked level 3.
Task of circling the pagoda of Waljeongsa(Woljeongsa Tabdori) is the major intangible cultural heritage with representativeness and historical meaning as a Buddhism culture, one of the Buddhism folk plays, which was firstly played after the liberation. Woljeongsa Tabdori holds significant designation importance in terms of Buddhism folklore heritage with Korean unique tradition and identity of Gangwon-do province. Temples are demonstrating Tabdori nationwide but Woljeongsa Tabdori is the unique case that systematically inherits the culture based on the designation of being intangible cultural heritage. That is why it is needed to focus on the cultural and internal value of Woljeongsa Tabdori. Tabdori is the integrated symbol of Buddhism respect and worship to the Buddha and pagoda. It is hard to presume the originality of Woljeongsa Tabdori: given the history of Woljeonsa temple, it lies into Goguryeo traditional play and Bokhui(Pagoda circling folk play) in Silla era. It fits into the courtesy of Circumambulating Stupa considering Moon in Goguryo mural, background of Odaesan Hwaeom thought/tripitaka and essence of Octagonal 9-story stone pagoda. At the first stage of Tabdori, Buddhist musical instruments such as Buddhism temple bell, singing bowl, cloud-shaped gong and wooden-fish. However, later, Samhyeon Yukgak has been added and then, Boyeom and Bakpaljeongjinga were singing: it could be interpreted that it was a pure Buddhist ceremony but it has become to have traditional aspect and been spread to the public. The origin of Woljeongsa Tabdori is related to the explanation of Circumambulating Stupa that experiences the glory of the ending ceremony. When a temple has a rite, the Buddhists make an offering to the Buddha. At that time, Buddhist prayer, sermon and chant are followed. After the rite, the Buddhists are circling the pagoda with the monks while praying for Buddhist charity and making their own wishes. It prays not only going after death to Nirvana of the one but also national prosperity and the welfare of the people for peaceful reign. As the temple holds bigger rites, many Buddhists gather and the Tabdori was a success. The scene of circling the pagoda and making own wishes in line with the Buddhist sermon was solemn. The idea on changes and convergence of Woljeongsa Tabdori requires strategic inheritance to promote the transmission while maintaining the paragon and purpose of designating the cultural heritage and reviving its identity. Korean Tabdori was held in Buddha's birthday in April and the mid-autumn day. Tabdori is a memorial service type Buddhist ceremony that once the monk holds the Buddhist rosary, circles the pagoda and sings the great mind and charity of the Buddha, Buddhists follow the step, lighting the lantern, circling the pagoda and praying for the gentle and easy death. Transmission education of the successor, diversified approach of the expert's advice and discourse on the revival of the origin should be reinforced in phases.
Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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v.1
/
pp.234-257
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2024
Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light (Gwi) (LKH 10703) donated by the family of the late Lee Kun-Hee to the National Museum of Korea in 2021 is a calligraphy album consisting of sixty-two leaves compiled using butterfly binding. It contains Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light, "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong," a postscript by Kim Jeonghui, and an appreciation record by Oh Sechang. This paper has revealed that this album is identical to the material that Suematsu Yasukazu introduced in Volume 15 of the journal Cheonggu hakchong in 1934 and that it includes elaborate copies of Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light and "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong" on yellow Chinese paper, both of which were excavated from inside the Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju in 1824. It has also reconfirmed that it is highly probable that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light that Jo Byeongsun, the former director of the Seongam Old Books Museum, unveiled in 1998, is a transcription of the original sutra excavated from Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju. Moreover, it has concluded that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light owned by Park Cheolsang is likely to be another example of copying the transcription of the original sutra excavated from the Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju. In the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee KunHee, six of the Chinese characters promulgated by Empress Wu were used fifteen times in total. Four of the characters of Empress Wu were utilized ten times in the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light (national treasure, Bulguksa Temple collection) found among the reliquaries from the Three-story Stone Pagoda at Bulguksa Temple in Gyeongju and were also seen in the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee. The use of the same characters of Empress Wu and other variant characters suggests that both the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee and the Bulguksa sutra were based on an edition distributed in the Unified Silla Period during the eighth century. Kim Jeonghui confirmed the exchange of calligraphy between Korea and China through studies on bronze and stone epigraphs. He believed that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light and "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong" excavated from Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple were authentic materials showing the elegant calligraphic styles that prevailed before the Ouyang Xun style. Thus, the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee holds great historical and artistic significance in that it is a rare example of Kim Jeonghui's evidential study of a transcribed sutra and an original record of the production of a pagoda from the Unified Silla period.
This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.
At platform-reinforcing side stone plate having been exhibited in outdoor exhibition space of Gyeongju National Museum, split and exfoliation were proceeding due to weathering at joined·restored parts. Accordingly we checked imbibitional minerals in the stone through observation and analysis with polarized microscope, and studied capillary water absorption rate using Schmidt Hammer rebound hardness measurement and Karsten Tube.
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