• 한국사회복지학
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• 제53권
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• pp.31-49
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• 2003

현재 세계의 거의 모든 국가에서 지배적인 지위를 차지하고 있는 신자유주의는 사회보장제도의 상업화 혹은 복지국가의 해체를 주장한다. 신자유주의의 관점에서는 사회서비스는 국가가 아니라 시장이 제공할 때 보다 효율적으로 되어 수급권자들에게 더 많은 혜택을 제공하며, 국가의 개입이 없는 자유시장의 보장이야말로 사회계층에 관계없이 모든 시민들의 복지를 향상시키는 지름길이기 때문이다. 이러한 신자유주의의 입장에 기초하여 1990년대 중 후반에 우리나라에서는 산재보험을 민영화하자는 주장이 제기된 적이 있었다. 이러한 주장은 노동계와 사회복지악계의 저항에 부딪혔으며, 이후 IMF구제금융으로 대변되는 경제위기와 구조개혁의 소용돌이를 거치면서 일시적인 소강상태에 들어갔다. 그렇지만, 신자유주의의 지배력이 확장됨에 따라서 산재보험에 대한 민영화 요구는 우리나라에서 언제든 다시 제기될 수 있을 것이다. 이 글의 목적은 사회보장제도의 상업화가 효율성의 증대를 통해 수급권자들 뿐 아니라 사회전체의 이익을 증가시킨다는 신자유주의의 주장을 경험적으로 비판하는 데 있다. 이를 위해 이 글은 지역에 따라 공영보험이 독점하기도 하고 민영보험사들이 경쟁하기도 하는 미국 산재보험제도를 분석하고자 한다. 만일 공영보험독점형태를 취하는 지역들의 산재보험이 민영보험경쟁형태를 취하는 지역들의 산재보험에 비해 보다 효율적이라는 점이 밝혀진다면, 이 연구는 산재보험을 비롯한 사회보장제도의 상업화를 주장하는 신자유주의에 대한 효과적인 비판이 될 수 있을 것이다. 이와 함께, 이 연구는 산재보험 민영화를 둘러싸고 1990년대 중 후반에 우리나라에서 진행되었던 논쟁에 대해 평가를 내리고자 한다. 그 당시의 논쟁은 경험적이고 과학적이기보다는 선험적이고 당위론적인 성격이 강했으며, 학문적 논의의 결과에 따라서가 아니라 사회적 상환의 변화에 의해 갑작스럽게 중단되었다. 이 연구는 체계적인 경험적 자료에 기초하여 산재보험 민영화론을 반박하게 될 것이다.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제59권3호
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• pp.253-280
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• 2007

이 연구의 분석결과 "건강가정 진영"의 가족담론은 사적 도덕률의 중시, 탈제도화에 대한 거부감, 가족문제를 개인적, 도덕적 문제로 바라봄, 가족을 통제하고 관리하는 존재로서의 국가 배치 등이었고, "비판 진영"의 가족담론은 정상가족으로서의 건강가정, 사회적, 구조적 문제로서의 가족문제, 가족을 지원하는 보조적 위치로서 국가를 바라보고 있었다. 가족정책 담론은 "건강가정 진영"은 "사회적(인과적) 효용"이라는 정당화의 논리, 국가주의적 사고와의 결합, 가족가치를 회복하기 위한 수단으로서의 가족정책, 이분화된 가족정책을 견지했고, "비판진영"은 간주관적 합의로서의 정당화 논리, 양성평등의 도구이자 복지국가 확장의 지룃점으로서의 가족정책, 이분화된 아젠다에 대한 비판으로 가족정책 담론을 끌고 나갔다. "건강가정" 담론은 시간의 흐름에 따라 구성되어갔고 그 과정에서 국가주의와 신자유주의라는 체계담론과 접합되었다.

• 조형예술학연구
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• 제2권
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• pp.193-221
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• 2000

The postmodern culture since the later 20C breaks downa tradition a relation between the reality and languages or sign images expressing it. It develops in the way to review the meaning on the object's imitation or the representation to have been followed since Plato and represent the new state and concept of expressed things. Also, The visual art leads an change of paradigm by images giving up the visual resemblance or the function of representation and endowing them with the new sense. This essay has a purpose to study an important discussion about this change centered on Baudrillard and Lacan. A sociologist Baudrillard promotes the concept of 'simulation' through detecting the reality and the social and historical state of the image. Studying on the course of this change, he calls the step that the image escapes from the stage to reflect the reality and become the pure imitation by itself simulation. The image in the stage of simulation is called 'hyperreality' because it doesn't have any an indicator or a substitute and happens by models without the original or the reality. So he asserts that art is not to contain some absoluteness or transcendency as the past, but to be as the spectacle with characteristics of meaningless, emptiness, contingency. Lacan dismantles the concept of the absolute Cogito to have become the center of the western ideology, and creates the concept of 'Other'. He concludes also the reality exists but can't be captured, and it's impossible for the thinking subject can reach it. The concept of new image which can be thought as the Symbolic in Lacan is 'Signifier without Signified' since it isn't possible to be the transcendent Signifier fixing the meaning finally in it. His 'Gaze' theory is which to be emitted in other's area determines the subject. Equally Baudrillard and Lacan sets up the new state of the image through the end of representation system As for Baudrillard, art intends to the worthlessness and is nothing but imagination. But in Lacan a picture represents the subject being in process by the dialectic of desire.

• 인터넷정보학회논문지
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.97-111
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• 2019

본 연구는 지구화 과정에서 국가의 의미와 역할이 미디어에 의해 어떻게 규정되며 그 규정 방식이 지구화 과정에 내재되어 있는 이념과 가치와 어떻게 상관되어 있는지를 논의하고자 하였다. 구체적으로는 지구화 과정을 특징짓는 신자유주의적 국가의 의미와 역할이 미디어에 의해 어떻게 정당화되고 강화되는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 이를 위해 본 연구에서는 매년 세계경제포럼에서 발표하는 국가경쟁력지수 보도가 언론에 의해 어떻게 보도되는지를 분석함으로써 국가경쟁력이라는 담론에 내재된 지배적인 지구화 과정의 특성을 이해하고자 하였다. 또한, 경제인프라, 경제효율성, 기업혁신활동으로 구성되어 있는 국가경쟁력 지수에서 어떠한 영역이 강조되고 있으며 배제되고 있는지 살펴봄으로써 지구화 과정에서 언론이 중요시하는 국가의 의미와 역할을 파악하고자 하였다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제32권5호
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• pp.95-105
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• 2023

Focusing on Hwaseokjeong in Paju, the work seeks to clarify the social production of Nujeong (樓亭: Korean traditional pavilions) space, which took place over the 1960s and 70s, and its cultural-political implications. To make the effort as such meaningful, a theoretical framework based not merely on the thesis of 'social production of space' advocated by Henri Lefebvre but especially on some discussions related to 'state production of space' is prepared, according to which Hwaseokjeong is analyzed and explained. As a consequence, two principal arguments are put forward: one is that Hwaseokjeong was a social space which had been built and constructed in accordance with the unique mode of production dominating Korean society at that time called 'the state mode of production (le mode de production étatique)'; the other is that what lies beneath the denotation of a 'social space of tradition restoration' that Hwaseokjeong appears to carry is in fact the connotation of 'infiltration of anti-communist ideology'. All of these claims are once again supported both by examining Roland Barthes's semiology and mythologies and by considering Hwaseokjeong's P yeonaek (扁額: a plaque or framed text) as 'the practice of naming power through Jesa (題詞: inscribing dedications)'. While providing a succinct summary, the paper finally evaluates what 'social production of space' implies to social practices of architecture and related criticisms by taking into account the relationship between visibility and readability of space including buildings.

• 종교문화비평
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• 제26호
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• pp.150-193
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• 2014

근대일본 국가신도의 사상적 핵심은 천황제 이데올로기와 결부된 이른바 '국체'(國體)개념에 있다. 천양무궁의 신칙과 만세일계 및 현인신으로서의 천황관을 내용적 기축으로 삼는 이 국체개념은 1937년 문부성이 펴낸 ${\ll}$국체의 본의${\gg}$(國體の本義)로 집약되는데, 그 밑그림을 구성하는 대표적인 형식적 기축이 바로 멸공봉사적 공사관념이다. 본고의 목적은 이런 멸공봉사적 공사관념에 입각한 국체 이데올로기를 '국체신학'으로 규정하면서 그것이 ${\ll}$국체의 본의${\gg}$에 어떤 방식으로 표현되어 나오며 그 신화적/신학적 의미가 국가신도의 종교성과 어떻게 결부되어 있는지를 규명하는 데에 있다. 나아가 본고는국가신도가 전후 일본에서 재생산되고 있는 미학적 방식을 '공과 사의 공모'라는 관점에서 고찰하고자 하며, 이때 국가신도의 주요 텍스트로서 ${\ll}$국체의 본의${\gg}$를 비롯하여 <대일본제국헌법>(1889), <교육칙어>(1890), ${\ll}$유신의 대도${\gg}$(1940), ${\ll}$신민의 도${\gg}$(1941), ${\ll}$국사개설${\gg}$(1943), ${\ll}$신사본의${\gg}$(1944) 등에 주목할 것이다.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제46권
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• pp.290-318
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• 2001

In 1981, Chile has fundamentally reformed the public pension system from the pay-as-you-go system (PAYGs) to the full funding defined contribution system managed by the private funding companies. The Chilean privatization reform influenced not only the neighbor South American countries but also the advanced countries. The United Kingdom contracted out the state earning related pension system. Australia and Sweden recently introduced the private investment accounts system. And now the hot debates on the privatization of the social security pension is going on in the United States of America. This wind of privatizing the public pension system is being backed up by the New Liberalism, the nowadays' strongest ideology. Besides, the theoretical and idealogical debate between the World Bank and the ILO/ISSA was happened in the middle of 1990s. The World Bank, the supporter of the international financial capital, insisted the introducing of the full funding individual accounts system and the abolition of the existing PAYGs. The ILO/ISSA apposed the World Bank's policies and advocated the moderate reform of the PAYGs. In this paper, I reviewed the Chilean reform, the World Bank's report and the opposing argument of the ILO/ISSA against it, and analysed the core issues of the two sides. Also, I tried to present the suggestions to the Korean public pension systems. Through the discussing the debate, we made certain of the importance of the basic issues in the social security system like equity vs. adequacy, inter-generational redistribution vs. intra-generational redistribution and welfare vs. economy, once again.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제44권
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• pp.117-145
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• 2001

This paper attempts to assess the impact and implication of globalization on social welfare in Korea. It is no easy task to give an exact definition of globalization and the concept has been used in many different senses, that is, economic, social, cultural, political globalization. In particular, the meaning of globalization is connected to the rise and expansion of neo-liberalism. Globalization tends to undermine national welfare systems by the social dumping, race to the bottom, privatization of social services, labor market flexibility. On the other hand, in many studies the negative impact of globalization on social welfare has been questioned. Instead of end or erosion of the welfare systems, it is emphasized that competitiveness and welfare may go hand in hand. We investigate the question what and how the social welfare system in Korea has been changed in globalization process. In order to answer, this paper examines the changes in welfare ideology, welfare programs, social stratification level after economic crisis. The result of analysis is that in contrast to globalist expectations which is to retrench social welfare, paradoxically, the welfare system in Korea has been reinforced in globalization process. Therefore, the alleged impact of globalization on social welfare will be independent on the structure of domestic institution, political legacies, and on the socialization of global politics such as IMF, World Bank, ILO, UNDP, etc., on the welfare politics of stakeholders in national state.

• 영어영문학
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• 제64권4호
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• pp.585-600
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• 2018

Over the last three decades, the field of American Studies has increasingly paid attention to transnational approaches in an effort to diversify and expand the field's concerns beyond the narrow sense of the nation-state in today's globalizing world. Yet, the mediation of the transnational requires a careful analysis of the nation that is still in transit. In this context, this essay examines Herman Melville's novel Moby-Dick (1851) as a case study that vividly shows how reading American literature and culture through transnationalism not only offers new interpretations of canonical texts, but also helps us to better understand the historical roots and cultural contexts of contemporary issues such as global labor and migration, US citizenship and racial justice. To address the complexity of the text's circulation and reproduction, coupled with US national ideology and cultural conditions, I first turn to the canonization of Melville's Moby-Dick during the Cold War era as a national project and then explore the possibilities of transnational readings by focusing on the politics of race and global capitalism in the nineteenth century whaling industry. In doing so, I argue that critical transnationalism allows readers to keep questioning about their own understanding of race, nation, and cultural identity while remaining attentive to the destructive force of US imperialism and global capitalism in the twenty-first century.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제29권
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• pp.153-176
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• 2012

This study focused on concretely how minority group's attitude accepting han-zu's culture changes. In the past, minority group's culture and han-zu's culture were acculturated spontaneously, not forcibly. But as the people's republic of china was founded and control of chinese government was intensified, control and interference of minority group area became aggressive, and acculturation became compulsory. However, after chinese economic reform, by economic affluence and modernization and urbanization according to economic affluence, acculturation of minority group's culture and han-zu's culture is changing from forced acculturation to spontaneous acculturation. Still there are some areas where mutual friction lasts because of forced acculturation. But except some areas the stream is changing rapidly to spontaneous acculturation. In the text, this study investigated process and present state of acculturation focused on hui-zu that implemented aggressive acceptance of han-zu's culture relatively early. Then this study investigated yi-zu society and cultural change focused on their spontaneous acculturation. In the modern society setting a high value on convenience and personal happiness rather than ideology and value, value of race becomes less attractive to young people of minority group who know modern civilization and convenience of city. In this respect, maybe hui-zu society is future of yi-zu society and minority group society.