• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.36-63
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• 1976

The purpose of this study is to elucidate the genetic variation of the natural forest of Pinus densiflora. Three natural populations of the species, which are considered to be superior quality phenotypically, were selected. The locations and conditions of the populations are shown in table 1 and 2. The morphological traits of tree and needle and some other characteristics were presented already in our first report of this series in which population and family differences according to observed characteristics were statistically analyzed. Twenty trees were sampled from each populations, i.e., 60 trees in total. During the autumn of 1974, matured cones were collected from each tree and open-pollinated seeds were extracted in laboratory. Immediately after cone collection, in closed condition, the morphological characteristics were measured. Seed and seed-wing dimensions were also studied. In the spring of 1975, the seeds were sown in the experimental tree nursery located in Suweon. And in the April of 1976, the 1-0 seedlings were transplanted according to the predetermined experimental design, randomized block design with three replications. Because of cone setting condition. the number of family from which progenies were raised by populations were not equal. The numbers of family were 20 in population 1. 18 in population 2 and 15 in population 3. Then, each randomized block contained seedlings of 53 families from 3 populations. The present paper is mainly concerned with the variation of some characteristics of cone, seed, needle, growth performance of seedlings, and chlorophyll and monoterpene compositions of needles. The results obtained are summerized as follows. 1. The meteorological data obtained by averaging the records of 30 year period, observed from the nearest station to each location of populations, are shown in Fig. 3, 4, and 5. The distributional pattern of monthly precipitation are quite similar among locations. However, the precipitation density on population 2, Seosan area, during growing season is lower as compared to the other two populations. Population 1. Cheong-song area, and population 3, Pyong-chang area, are located in inland, but population 2 in the western seacoast. The differences on the average monthly air temperatures and the average monthly lowest temperatures among populations can hardly be found. 2. Available information on the each mother trees (families) studied, such as age, stem height, diameter at breast height, clear-bole-length, crown conditions and others are shown in table 6,7, and 8. 3. The measurements of fresh cone weight, length and the widest diameter of cone are given in Tab]e 9. All these traits arc concerned with the highly significant population differences and family differences within population. And the population difference was also found in the cone-index, that is, length-diameter ratio. 4. Seed-wing length and seed-wing width showed the population differences, and the family differences were also found in both characteristics. Not discussed in this paper, however, seed-wing colours and their shapes indicate the specificity which is inherent to individual trees as shown in photo 3 on page 50. The colour and shape are fully the expression of genetic make up of mother tree. The little variations on these traits are resulted from this reason. The significant differences among populations and among families were found in those characteristics, such as 1000-seed weight, seed length, seed width, and seed thickness as shown in table 11. As to all these dimensions, the values arc always larger in population 1 which is younger in age than that of the other two. The population differences evaluated by cone, seed and seed-wing sizes could partly be attributed to the growth vigorousity. 5. The values of correlation between the characteristics of cone and seed are presented in table 12. As shown, the positive correlations between cone diameter and seed-wing width were calculated in all populations studied. The correlation between seed-wing length and seed length was significantly positive in population 1 and 3 but not in population 2, that is, the r-value is so small as 0.002. in the latter. The correlation between cone length and seed-wing length was highly significant in population 1, but not in population 2. 6. Differences among progenies in growth performances, such as 1-0 and 1-1 seedling height and root collar diameter were highly singificant among populations as well as families within population(Table 13.) 7. The heritability values in narrow sense of population characteristics were estimated on the basis of variance components. The values based on seedling height at each age stage of 1-1 and 1-0 ranged from 0.146 to 0.288 and the values of root collar diameter from 0.060 to 0.130. (Table 14). These heritability values varied according to characteristics and seedling ages. Here what must be stated is that, for calculation of heritability values, the variance values of population was divided by the variance value of environment (error) and family and population. The present authors want to add the heritability values based on family level in the coming report. It might be considered that if the tree age is increased in furture, the heritability value is supposed to be altered or lowered. Examining the heritability values studied previously by many authors, in pine group at age of 7 to 15, the values of height growth ranged from 0.2 to 0.4 in general. The values we obtained are further below than these. 8. The correlation between seedling growth and seed characteristics were examined and the values resulted are shown in table 16. Contrary to our hypothetical premise of positive correlation between 1-0 seedling height and seed weight, non-significance on it was found. However, 1-0 seedling height correlated positively with seed length. And significant correlations between 1-0 and 1-1 seedling height are calculated. 9. The numbers of stomata row calculated separately by abaxial and adaxial side showed highly significant differences among populations, but not in serration density. On serration density, the differences among families within population were highly significant. (Table 17) A fact must be noted is that the correlation between stomata row on abaxial side and adaxial side was highly significant in all populations. Non-significances of correlation coefficient between progenies and parents regarding to stomata row on abaxial side were shown in all populations studied.(Table 18). 10. The contents of chhlorophyll b of the needle were a little more than that of chlorophyll a irrespective of the populations examined. The differences of chlorophyll a, b and a plus b contents were highly significant but not among families within populations as shown in table 20. The contents of chlorophyll a and b are presented by individual trees of each populations in table 21. 11. The occurrence of monoterpene components was examined by gas liquid chromatography (Shimazu, GC-1C type) to evaluate the population difference. There are some papers reporting the chemical geography of pines basing upon monoterpene composition. The number of populations studied here is not enough to state this problem. The kinds of monoterpene observed in needle were ${\alpha}$-pinene, camphene, ${\beta}$-pinene, myrcene, limonene, ${\beta}$-phellandrene and terpinolene plus two unknowns. In analysis of monoterpene composition, the number of sample trees varied with population, I.e., 18 families for population 1, 15 for population 2 and 11 for population3. (Table 22, 23 and 24). The histograms(Fig. 6) of 7 components of monoterpene by population show noticeably higher percentages of ${\alpha}$-pinene irrespective of population and ${\beta}$-phellandrene in the next order. The minor Pinus densiflora monoterpene composition of camphene, myrcene, limonene and terpinolene made up less than 10 percent of the portion in general. The average coefficients of variation of ${\alpha}$-pinene and ${\beta}$-phellandrene were 11 percent. On the contrary to this, the average coefficients of variation of camphene, limonene and terpinolene varied from 20 to 30 percent. And the significant differences between populaiton were observed only in myrcene and ${\beta}$-phellandrene. (Table 25).

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.28-60
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• 1983

This study was carried out to define the effects of external factors including temperature, moisture, oxygen and light quality on the germination of sesame seeds and to investigate the change of major chemical constituents of seeds during germination. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. The average germination ratio was from 95.8% to 97.2% when it was tested every $5^{\circ}C$ intervals from $20^{\circ}C$ to $35^{\circ}C$ and no significant difference in germination ratio was found within $20^{\circ}C$ to $35^{\circ}C$. But the germination ratio dropped rapidly to 32.2% when seeds were germinated at $15^{\circ}C$ and the coefficient of variation become greater(77%) 2. The days required for germination ranged from 1.16 to 1. 64 at the temperatures of $35^{\circ}C$ to $25^{\circ}C$ and they were 3.07 and 10.4 at the temperatures of $20^{\circ}C$ and $15^{\circ}C$, respectively. 3. Considering the germination ratio and days needed, $15^{\circ}C$ was assumed to be the minimum temperature for germination practically and this temperature is recommended for testing low temperature tolerance of seed germination of sesame cultivars. 4. The varieties shown the highest low temperature tolerance were Shirogoma and Turkey. The next varieties shown some degree of low temperature germination were Suweon #29, Naebok and IS 58. The varieties with 70 to 80% of germination ratio were Maepo, Suweon #14, Kimpo, Moondeok, and Haenam. Among the 90 varieties tested, the varieties with comparatively high degree of low temperature tolerance were about 10%, and 70% of the low temperature tolerant varieties were domestic varieties. 5. At $12^{\circ}C$ the Shirogoma was the only variety which showed over 50% of germination ratio, 71.4% of the varieties showed less than 20% of germination ratio. When the temperature was raised to $27^{\circ}C$ 18 days after placement at $12^{\circ}C$ all the varieties showed over 90% of germination ratio within 2days. 6. The amounts of water imbibition needed for seed germination were 0.48 to 0.62 times of the seed dry weight at $25^{\circ}C$ and were significantly different among sesame cultivars. About 63% of water required for germination was imbibed in 2 hours after placement of seeds under the germination condition. 7. Under saturated moisture condition the average germination ratio was 0.42%. In the soil of which water potential was -0.4bar 64.8% of the seeds germinated and the most adequate soil water potential for sesame seed germination was about -0.4 to -5.5 bar. The germination ratio decreased as the soil water potential declined below -5.5 bar. 8. Six out of 10 varieties were not influenced by 5% of oxygen in air germination chamber, while varieties such as Yecheon, PI 158073, IS 103 and Euisangcheon showed 64 to 91% of germination under the 5% oxygen content. Under anaerobic condition, cotyledones were not emerged but only hypocotyl was emerged and elongated. The germination ratio of IS 103 decreased significantly under anaerobic condition. 9. When the seeds were dried for 24 hours after 12 hours imbibition of water, the seeds of Cheongsong did not lose their germination ability and 27.5% was germinated but Suweon #9 and Early Russian failed to germinate. However, the germination ratio of IS 103 decreased when the seed were dried 24 hours after 4 hours imbibition of water and the germination ability of IS 103 was maintained even though the seeds were dried for 24 hours after 24 hours imbibition of water. 10. During germination, sugar content of sesame seed increased rapidly and activity of ${\alpha}$-amylase increased gradually while starch content decreased significantly. The rates of increase in sugar content and enzyme activity and decrease in starch content were significantly lower at $15^{\circ}C$ compared with those at $25^{\circ}C$. 11. During germination of sesame seeds, lipid content in the seeds dropped rapidly and the activity of alkaline lipase increased significantly at early stage of germination. The rate of decrease in lipid content and increase in emzyme activity was lower at $15^{\circ}C$ than at $25^{\circ}C$. 12. Four out of 6 varieties were not affected in germination by light wave length. But Suweon #8 was inhibited in germination by 600-650nm. and IS 103 by 600 to 650nm and 500 to 550nm of light wave length. Suweon #8 showed high germination ratio under 650 to 760 nm and 500 to 560nm, and IS 103 under 400 to 470nm and complete darkness. 13. The germination ratios increased significantly in the seeds of which 1000 grain weight is heavier. When the seeds were placed at soil 4cm deep, Cheongsong and Early Russian failed to emerge their cotyledones, but Suweon #9 and IS 103 showed 32.5 and 50% cotyledone emergence, respectively. The extracts from sesame plant and soil where the sesame was cultivated previously did not affect in the-germination of sesame seeds. 14. The covering by black or transparent polyethylene films increased germination ratio compared with uncovered seeds. The covering was effective in shortening the days needed for germination and in improving the early seedling growth, number of capsules per plant and grain yield. Difference was not so seizable between the two polyethylene films but the transparent film appeared somewhat more effective than the black one. 15. Simcheon, Cheongsong. Suweon #9. PI 158073 and IS 103 showed lower rate of water absorbtion by seed during germination and Suweon #8, Suweon #26, Orotall and Euisangcheon showed high increase in seed weight after water absorbtion by seed.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.