• Speech Sciences
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.71-87
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• 2004

Korean has a pair of voiceless fricatives, whose laryngeal manifestation comes in parallel to stops and affricates with a three-way lexical contrast. Prior phonetic studies by Kagaya (1974), Iverson (1983), and Kang (1999, 2000) point out /s/ is associated with multiple characteristics of the larynx shared with not only the lax but also the aspirated series, whereas /s' / carries a laryngeal distinction typical of the tense consonants. The complex dual nature of /s/ is again supported by a psycholinguistic study by Kang (2004), as /s/ was found to interact with /$c^h$/ (17% of the time) as well as /c/ (57%) in speech errors. In addition, a recent work by Cho and Lee (2003) notes an interesting chain shift case in the acquisition of the fricatives. Although they observed a significant phonological pattern between child English and Korean, Cho and Lee's description of acquiring fricatives is far from being precise from the perspective of phonetics. From a longitudinal study of recorded tapes by two children at 1;7-3;8 and 1;7-2;1 respectively, I found that /s' / was usually substituted into tense noncontinuants in young children's early production as predicted, whereas /s/ having both lax and aspirated-like glottal properties revealed a complicated pattern of substitutions into lax, tense, and aspirated noncontinuants with a varying degree of preference relative to the subjects. The current acquisition study supports the previous claims concerning fricatives in other languages, showing that their acquisition comes after stops. Besides, it also notes that Korean fricatives are subject to a series of phonological processes called stopping, affricating, tensifying and palatalizing during the transitional period of phonological development by young children. Moreover, between the two voiceless types, /s/ was acquired earlier than /s'/ as the unmarked segment.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.121-139
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• 1999

Our experimental subject was a laryngectomee who had undergone total laryngectomy with $PROVOX^{(R)}$ insertion, and learned esophageal speech after the surgery, so he could produce both $PROVOX^{(R)}$ voice and esophageal voice. With this subject's production of $PROVOX^{(R)}$ and esophageal voice, we are to compare the acoustic and aerodynamic characteristics of the two voices, under the same physical conditions of the same person. As a result, the fundamental frequency of esophageal voice was 137.2 Hz, and that of $PROVOX^{(R)}$ was 97.5 Hz. $PROVOX^{(R)}$ voice showed lower jitter, shimmer and NHR than esophageal voice, which means that $PROVOX^{(R)}$ voice showed better voice quality than esophageal voice. In spectrographic analysis, the formation of formants and pseudoformants were more distinct in esophageal voice and several temporal aspects of acoutic features such as VOT and closure duration were more similar with normal voice in $PROVOX^{(R)}$ voice. During the sentence utterance, esophageal voice showed longer pause or silence duration than $PROVOX^{(R)}$ voice. Maximum phonation time and mean flow rate of $PROVOX^{(R)}$ voice were much longer and larger than esophageal voice, but mean and range of sound pressure level, subglottic pressure and voice efficiency were similar in the two voices. Glottal resistance of esophageal voice was much larger than $PROVOX^{(R)}$ voice which showed still larger glottal resistance than normal voice.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.19-24
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• 2023

This study investigated acoustic (VOT) and articulatory characteristics of Korean velar stops in monosyllabic CV structures to examine how the three-way distinction is realized in the laryngeal and supralaryngeal domains and how the distinction is manifested in male versus female speakers' speech production. EMA data were collected from 22 speakers. In line with previous studies, male speakers preserved the three-way differentiation of velar stops (/k^*/</k/</k^h/) in terms of VOT while female speakers showed only a two-way distinction (/k^*/</k/=/k^h/). As for the kinematic characteristics, a clear three-way distinction was found only in male speakers' peak velocity measure in the C-to-V opening movement (/k^h/</k/</k^*/). For the other kinematic measures (i.e., articulatory closure duration, deceleration duration of the opening movement and the entire opening movement duration), male speakers showed only a two-way distinction between fortis and the other two stops. Female speakers did not show a three-way contrast in any kinematic measure. They showed a two-way distinction between lenis and the other two stops in C-to-V deceleration duration (/k^*/=/k^h/</k/), and a two-way distinction between fortis and lenis stops in the opening movement duration. An overall comparison of VOT and articulatory analyses revealed that the lenis-aspirated kinematic distinction is diminishing, driven by female speakers, in line with the loss of the lenis-aspirated distinction in VOT that could influence supralaryngeal articulation.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.13-23
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• 2012

The sound /w/ has been traditionally regarded as an independent segment in Korean regardless of the phonological contexts in which it occurs. There have been, however, some questions regarding whether it is an independent phoneme in /CwV/ context (cf. Kang 2006). The present pilot study examined how Korean /w/ is realized in $/S^*wV/$ context by performing some perception tests. Our assumption was that if Korean /w/ is a part of the preceding complex consonant like $/C^w/$, it should be more or less uniformly articulated and perceived as such. If /w/ is an independent segment, it will be realized with speaker variability. Experiments I and II examined the identification rates as "labialized" of the spliced original stimuli of $/S^*-V/$ and $/S^{w*}-^wV/$, and the cross-spliced stimuli $/S^{w*}-V/$ and $/S^*-^wV/$. The results showed that round qualities of /w/ are perceived at significantly different temporal point with speaker and context variability. We therefore conclude that /w/ in $/S^*wV/$ context is an independent segment, not a part of the preceding segment. Full-scale examination of the production test in the future should be performed to verify the conclusion we suggested in this paper.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.131-142
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• 2004

Speaker identification system basically functions by comparing spectral energy of an individual production model with that of an input signal. This study aimed to develop a new speaker identification system from two parameters from the spectral energy of numeric sounds: difference sum and correlation coefficient. A narrow-band spectrogram yielded more stable spectral energy across time than a wide-band one. In this paper, we collected empirical data from four male speakers and tested the speaker identification system. The subjects produced 18 combinations of three-digit numeric. sounds !en times each. Five productions of each three-digit number were statistically averaged to make a model for each speaker. Then, the remaining five productions were tested on the system. Results showed that when the threshold for the absolute difference sum was set to 1200, all the speakers could not pass the system while everybody could pass if set to 2800. The minimum correlation coefficient to allow all to pass was 0.82 while the coefficient of 0.95 rejected all. Thus, both threshold levels can be adjusted to the need of speaker identification system, which is desirable for further study.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.133-148
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• 2001

Focus and information structure are closely related with the distribution of pitch accents. A focused word conveys new information and bears a pitch accent. A content word can usually get a pitch accent, but it can be deaccented if it is mentioned earlier in the discourse. In this paper, we test how English native speakers and Korean learners of English realize pitch accents according to focus and information structure of a sentence. The production experiment shows that English native speakers give a pitch accent to narrow-focused items, deaccenting all the other items of the sentence. For VP broad focus, native speakers give a pitch accent either to both the verb and its complement or to the complement only. On the other hand, it is found that Koreans give pitch accents to most content words regardless of focus and information structure. Moreover, the perception experiment confirms that Koreans' intonation patterns, which are not appropriate in terms of focus and information structure, may jeopardize listeners' comprehension. This paper shows that Korean speakers have little knowledge about focus and information structure for intonational realization, and that such notions should be applied to teaching of English intonation.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.139-149
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• 2005

The purpose of this study was to propose a preliminary norm for 'Korean-Test of Articulation for Children(K-TAC)'. The K-TAC was designed to test 19 Korean consonants in various phonetic contexts through 37 words. We collected the data of 220 normally developing children aged 2;6(years;months) to 6;5. We analyzed the mean percentage of consonants correct and the age of acquisition for K-TAC. The results were as follows: first, The mean percentage was over 60% at late 2 years of age, over 80% at th age of 3, and over 90% after the age of 4. There were significant differences among age groups. Second, based on the criterion of correct production by 75% of children, Korean children acquired stops and nasals except for SF velars, glottal fricative, SF liquid and affricates by late 2 or 3 years of age. After that they acquired SF velars at the age of 4 and SI liquid at the age of 5. However, they could not acquire alveolar fricatives by the age of late 6. Third, if the distorted sounds were scored as correct, they acquired SI liquid at 4 years of age and alveolar fricatives at 5 years of age.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.319-338
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• 2003

The aim of this paper is to examine the sentence final tonal patterns of English wh-questions through phonetic experiments, based on Intonational Phonology, and to explain the meaning of the final phrase tones of English wh-questions. Pierrehumbert and Hirschberg (1990) suggested that it is pitch accents rather than boundary tones which play a crucial role in the meaning of a sentence, and that most of the general questions have H-H% tonal patterns in the sentence final. However, they could not explain why wh-questions had final falling tonal patterns (L-L%). While Bartels (1999) suggested that L phrase tone has the meaning of 'ASSERTION' and it could be applied to the explanation of the meaning of wh-questions' final tonal patterns. However, her suggestions are only theoretical explanation without any experimental support. In this paper, based on Bartels (1999), the data was classified into the following three classes: 1) echo wh-questions, 2) reference questions, and 3) common wh-questions. Using this data, a production test by three English native speakers was conducted. The results show that reference questions and common wh-questions have L phrase tones in the sentence final at a high rate, and echo wh-questions have H phrase tones in the sentence final at a high rate.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.25-39
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• 2007

The present study investigated some perceptual phonetic attributes of two Korean stop types, aspirated and lax, in medial position of an accentual phrase. The intonational pattern across syllables (Jun, 1993) is argued to depend on the type of stop (aspirated vs. lax) only in the initial position of an accentual phrase. In Kang & Dilley (2007), we showed that significant differences between aspirated and lax stops in medial position of an accentual phrase exist in closure duration, voice-onset time, and fundamental frequency (F0) values for post-stop vowels. In the present perception experiment, we investigated whether these phonetic attributes contribute to the perception of these two types of stops: The closure durations and/or F0's of post-stop vowels on accentual-phrase medial words were altered and twenty native Korean speakers then judged these words as beginning with an aspirated or lax stop. Both closure duration and F0 significantly affected judgments of stop identity. These results indicate that a wider range of acoustic cues that distinguish aspirated and lax Korean stops in production also plays a role in perception. To account for these results we suggest some phonetic and phonological models of consonant-tone interactions for Korean.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 2007.05a
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• pp.240-242
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• 2007

The goal of this paper is to investigate effects of three prosodic factors, such as phrasal accent (accented vs. unaccented), prosodic boundary (IP-initial vs. IP-medial) and coda voicing (e.g., bed vs. bet), on acoustic realization of English vowels (/i, $_I/$, $/{\varepsilon}$, ${\ae}/$) as produced by native (Canadian) and nonnative (Korean) speakers. The speech corpus included 16 minimal pairs (e.g., bet-bat, bet-bed) embedded in a sentence. Results show that phonological contrast between vowels are maximized when they were accented, though the contrast maximization pattern was not the same between the English and Korean speakers. However, domain-initial position do not affect the phonetic manifestation of vowels. Results also show that phonological contrast due to coda voicing is maximized only when the vowels are accented. These results propose that the phonetic realization of vowels is affected by phrasal accent only, and not by the location within prosodic position.