• MALSORI
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• no.19_20
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• pp.58-87
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• 1990

According to Government Phonology, at 1 phonological positions save the domain's head must be licensed in order to appear in the syllable structure. A non-nuclear head is licensed by the following nucleus, and the nuclei with phonetic content are licensed through government by the nuclear head of the domain at the level of the nuclear projection. Therefore, in the theory of Government Phonology it is claimed that words always end with a nucleus. With regard to the licensing of empty nuclei, Kaye(1990a) proposes the 'Empty Category Principle' and its sub-theory of 'Projection Government'. Government Phonology claims that a nucleus which dominates a vowel that regularly undergoes elision in certain contexts is underlyingly empty. This underlying empty nucleus is not manifested phonetically when it is properly governed by an unlicensed(i, e, a nucleus filled with a full vowel). It is when proper government fails to apply, that the empty nucleus is phonetically Interpreted. The purpose of this paper is to present a principled account of the process of $[i]{\Leftrightarrow}{\emptyset}$ alternation in Korean. Following Kaye's proposal, we assume that [i] of Korean is underlyingly empty. This position is pronounced as [i] if it is unlicensed, and is not phonetically realized if is licensed. Empty nuclei ape devided into two categories: domain-internal and domain-final. Firstly, we consider the question why Korean has little word ending with [i]. As for this, ECP states that domain-final empty nuclei are not pronounced if the language licenses domain-final empty nuclei. Whether a final empty nucleus may occur in the structure is parametric variation. This property is seen from the fact that words may appear to end in consonants in this language. Since Korean abounds with words ending in a consonant, it licenses domain-final empty nuclei. Therefore, it is quite natural that Korean has little word ending with [i]. Secondly, word-internal empty nuclei of Korean respect proper government and inter-onset government. That is, an empty nucleus in word-internal position will be pronounced with the vowel [i] if either proper government or inter-onset government fail to apply. Inter-onset government refers to the government established between two onsets across an empty nucleus. Thirdly, we consider words ending with [i], which seems to be exceptional to the final licensing. Host of them are. either mono-syllabic verbs(for instance, [s'i-] 'to write') or derived adjectives ending with [p'i] (for instance, [kip'i-] 'be happy'). As for the former, the 'inaccessibility for proper government' is applied because the empty nucleus appears in the first syllable. In latter case, domain-final empty nuclei are pronounced as [i] because of government-licensing. That is, final empty nucleus is pronounced to license the preceding onset dominating negatively charmed segments which empty nucleus of Korean cannot license.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.203-207
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• 2009

Electrically evoked compound action potentials (ECAP) have originated from the distal end of the auditory nerve. ECAP are characterized as the difference between the clearly large trough (N) and the following positive peak (P). N-wave occurs around $200-400\;{\mu}s$ after stimulus onset and P-wave at around $400-800\;{\mu}s$. Contrary to expectations, positive peaked ECAP (pp-ECAP) was dominated by a relatively large-amplitude positive following negative peak. pp-ECAP can be recorded from the sites on or near the surgically exposed nerve trunk in animal models and/or in cases of monophasic stimulation. This study will provide the causes of the appearance of pp-ECAP in cases of cochlear implant recipients using imaging studies and medical records and statistically analysis between N-P and P-N on the amplitude input-output function (amp-I/O) for the prediction of the possibilities of clinical tools. Thirteen children participated in the study and received a Cochlear CI-24RE (CA). ECAP was recorded using auto-NRT (Cochlear Ltd., Australia) at four to five weeks post surgery. pp-ECAP was measured from 36 electrodes and typical ECAP from 220 electrodes. There was no abnormality in the imaging study and operation finding in patients with typical ECAP. pp-ECAP was found at the inner ear anormaly and ossification in imaging study and gel-state inner ear fluid was observed in the operation finding. The amplitude of pp-ECAP increased depending on current intensities, but amp-I/O increase more gradually than in the case of typical ECAP (p=0.003). pp-ECAP is antidromic potential which can record from the inner ear anormaly and ossified cochlear. Amp-I/O also depends on current intensity as well typical ECAP. These results provide a useful tool for audiological evaluation for the spiral ganglion cell status to the value of pp-ECAP.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.2 no.3
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• pp.101-113
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• 2010

The present study investigated how the kinematics of the /a/-to-/i/ tongue movement in Korean would be influenced by prosodic boundary. The /a/-to-/i/ sequence was used as 'transboundary' test materials which occurred across a prosodic boundary as in /ilnjəʃ$^h$a/ # / minsakwae/ ('일년차#민사과에' 'the first year worker' # 'dept. of civil affairs'). It also tested whether the V-to-V tongue movement would be further influenced by its syllable structure with /m/ which was placed either in the coda condition (/am#i/) or in the onset condition (/a#mi). Results of an EMA (Electromagnetic Articulagraphy) study showed that kinematical parameters such as the movement distance (displacement), the movement duration, and the movement velocity (speed) all varied as a function of the boundary strength, showing an articulatory strengthening pattern of a "larger, longer and faster" movement. Interestingly, however, the larger, longer and faster pattern associated with boundary marking in Korean has often been observed with stress (prominence) marking in English. It was proposed that language-specific prosodic systems induce different ways in which phonetics and prosody interact: Korean, as a language without lexical stress and pitch accent, has more degree of freedom to express prosodic strengthening, while languages such as English have constraints, so that some strengthening patterns are reserved for lexical stress. The V-to-V tongue movement was also found to be influenced by the intervening consonant /m/'s syllable affiliation, showing a more preboundary lengthening of the tongue movement when /m/ was part of the preboundary syllable (/am#i/). The results, together, show that the fine-grained phonetic details do not simply arise as low-level physical phenomena, but reflect higher-level linguistic structures, such as syllable and prosodic structures. It was also discussed how the boundary-induced kinematic patterns could be accounted for in terms of the task dynamic model and the theory of the prosodic gesture ($\pi$-gesture).

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.11-19
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• 2014

The focus of this study was to investigate whether there is a position effect on identification accuracy of L2 consonants by Korean listeners and to examine how Korean listeners perceive the phonetic properties of initial and final consonants produced by a Korean learner of English and an English native speaker. Most studies examining L2 learners' perception of L2 sounds have focused on the segmental level but very few studies have examined the role of prosodic position in L2 learners' perception. In the present study, an identification test was conducted for English consonants /p, t, k, f, ɵ, s, ʃ/ in CVC prosodic structures. The results revealed that Korean listeners identified syllable-initial consonants more accurately than syllable-final consonants. The perceptual accuracy in syllable initial consonants may be attributable to the enhanced phonetic properties in the initial consonants. A significant correlation was found between error rates and F2 onset/offset for stops and fricatives, and between perceptual accuracy and RMS burst energy for stops. However, the identification error patterns were found to be different across consonant types and between the different language speakers. In the final position, Korean listeners had difficulty in identifying /p/, /f/, /ɵ/, and /s/ when they were produced by a Korean speaker and showed more errors in /p/, /t/, /f/, /ɵ/, and /s/ when they were spoken by an English native speaker. Comparing to the perception of English consonants spoken by a Korean speaker, greater error rates and diverse error patterns were found in the perception of consonants produced by an English native speaker. The present study provides the evidence that prosodic position plays a crucial role in the perception of L2 segments.

• The Journal of Korean Physical Therapy
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.293-310
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• 2000

This study was performed to investigate rehabilitation service patterns of stroke patients in metropolis of Korea. Seoul, Taegu. Taejon, Pusan and Kwangju from April-July. 2000. Authors developed questionnair, and distributed it to each physical therapist. Total number of distributed questionnaire was 800, and 622 questionnaire were collected and analysed. 1. The occurrence rate of ischemic stroke$(51.1\%)$ was higher than hemorrage stroke$(48.9\%)$. The highest incidence of the stroke was noted in the group or60 years and ratio of male to female 1.3:1 2. The several warning sign is motor deficit$(50.3\%)$, headache. dizziness. vomitting$(32.6\%)$ and difficulty speaking or understanding$(8.2\%)$. 3. The most important contributing factor of stroke was hypertension both hemorrage stroke$(50.7\%)$ and ischemic stroke$(47.2\%)$. 4. In the painful stroke patients$(53.4\%)$, the major problems were shoulder pain$(55.1\%)$ and shoulder-hand syndrome$(31.9\%)$. There is no clinical method for relieving the pain. 5. The seasonal preference was winter and autumn followed by summer and spring in regardless of diagnosis. 6. In the surgery, hemorrage stroke$(61.2\%)$ was higher than ischemic stroke$(13.5\%)$. 7. The major associated impairment were motor deficit$(99.0\%)$, hearing and speech deficit$(30.9\%)$.perception deficit$(15.9\%)$. psychological deficit$(14.1\%)$ and vision deficit$(10.6\%)$. We need more role of speech pathologist and psychotherapist. 8. The rehabilitation services for stroke patients were given only $15\%$ by onset. 9. Medical doctor did not checking everyday$(41\%)$. 10. Patents said that the physical therapist well understanding$(60.1\%)$ than medical doctor$(36.2\%)$ about their conditions.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.91-99
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• 2018

Korean stops are currently undergoing a tonogenetic sound change, as found in the Seoul dialect in which a merged VOT of aspirated and lax stops induces F0 to be the primary cue for distinguishing the two stops and the lax stops have lower F0 than the aspirated stops. In tonal languages, low tone is produced with a breathy voice. This study investigated whether there are changes in voice quality with respect to the tonogenetic sound change of Korean stops. Two age groups speaking the Seoul dialect participated in this study: five females and six males born in the 1940s and 1950s and nine females and eight males born in the 1980s and 1990s. This study replicated previous findings of VOT and F0 and further examined H1-H2, H1-A1, and H1-A2 to see how they correlate with the sound change. In the older and younger generations, H1-H2, H1-A1, and H1-A2 were significantly lower after the tense stops than after the aspirated and lax stops, but they were not significantly different after the aspirated and lax stops. However, the younger females exhibited some different results for H1-H2 and H1-A2 than the older generation. In the younger females, the H1-H2 mean was higher after the aspirated stops than it was after the lax stops at the vowel onset, and the H1-H2 difference increased at the vowel midpoint. Although there was an inter-speaker variation in the results of H1-H2 and H1-A1, analyses of individual speakers showed that the H1-H2 and H1-A1 were higher after the lax stops than after the aspirated stops in the younger female speakers. These results indicate that lax stops tend to be breathier than aspirated stops in the younger female speakers. They also indicate that changes in voice quality are on Korean stops with tonal sound change, but are still developing.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.11-25
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• 2022

From simultaneous recordings of the external photoglottography, intra-oral air pressure (P_io), airflow and acoustic data from four native Seoul Korean speakers (2 male and 2 female), we have found that the two fricatives are not significantly different in glottal opening peak and airflow peak height either word-initially or word-medially and that the duration of aspiration is significantly reduced in word-medial /s/, compared to those in word-initial /s/, not in /s'/. We have also found that the duration of a high P_io plateau is significantly longer in /s/ than in /s'/ both word-initially and word-medially and that airflow resistance (R=P_io/U) at the onset and offset of a P_io plateau and at the time of airflow peak height is significantly higher in /s'/ than in /s/ across the contexts. However, the differences in P_io peak and F0 are not significant. In addition, the transition time to reach airflow peak height from the offset of a P_io plateau is found to be significantly longer in /s/ than /s'/ in both word-initial and word-medial positions. No significant differences in glottal opening peak and airflow peak height confirm that /s/ is specified as [-spread glottis] like /s'/. As for the other significant differences, we propose that /s/ is [-tense], and /s'/ [+tense].

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 1996.10a
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• pp.109-116
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• 1996

In this paper, I would like to explore the possibility that the nature of place assimilation can be captured in terms of the OCP within the Optimality Theory (Mccarthy & Prince 1999. 1995; Prince & Smolensky 1993). In derivational models, each assimilatory process would be expressed through a different autosegmental rule. However, what any such model misses is a clear generalization that all of those processes have the effect of avoiding a configuration in which two consonantal place nodes are adjacent across a syllable boundary, as illustrated in (1):(equation omitted) In a derivational model, it is a coincidence that across languages there are changes that have the result of modifying a structure of the form (1a) into the other structure that does not have adjacent consonantal place nodes (1b). OT allows us to express this effect through a constraint given in (2) that forbids adjacent place nodes: (2) OCP(PL): Adjacent place nodes are prohibited. At this point, then, a question arises as to how consonantal and vocalic place nodes are formally distinguished in the output for the purpose of applying the OCP(PL). Besides, the OCP(PL) would affect equally complex onsets and codas as well as coda-onset clusters in languages that have them such as English. To remedy this problem, following Mccarthy (1994), I assume that the canonical markedness constraint is a prohibition defined over no more than two segments, $\alpha$ and $\beta$: that is, $^{*}\{{\alpha, {\;}{\beta{\}$ with appropriate conditions imposed on $\alpha$ and $\beta$. I propose the OCP(PL) again in the following format (3) OCP(PL) (table omitted) $\alpha$ and $\beta$ are the target and the trigger of place assimilation, respectively. The '*' is a reminder that, in this format, constraints specify negative targets or prohibited configurations. Any structure matching the specifications is in violation of this constraint. Now, in correspondence terms, the meaning of the OCP(PL) is this: the constraint is violated if a consonantal place $\alpha$ is immediately followed by a consonantal place $\bebt$ in surface. One advantage of this format is that the OCP(PL) would also be invoked in dealing with place assimilation within complex coda (e.g., sink [si(equation omitted)k]): we can make the constraint scan the consonantal clusters only, excluding any intervening vowels. Finally, the onset clusters typically do not undergo place assimilation. I propose that the onsets be protected by certain constraint which ensures that the coda, not the onset loses the place feature.

• Journal of Oriental Neuropsychiatry
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.287-299
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• 2005

Dissociative disorder is a psychiatric disorder characterized by a sudden loss of memory, but which has no organic disease or explanation. It usually occurs after heavy psychosocial stress or traumatic experience. A transient cerebral ischemic attack (TIA) is an acute episode of temporary and focal loss of cerebral function of vascular origin. TIAs are rapid in onset; symptoms reach their maximal manifestation in fewer than 5 minutes. Manifestations are of variable duration and typically last 2-15 minutes(rarely as long as 24 h). Most TIA durations are less than 1 hour. Of concern is the careful detection of changes in behavior, speech, gait, memory, movement, and vision. TIAs are uncommon in persons younger than 60 years. I treat 6 cases of Sudden Temporary Amnesia Patients with oriental medicine and they are improved. All of them had amnesia for $6{\sim}10\;hours$. During that time, they show behavioral changes and they are not on the state of unconsciousness. After recovery, they also forget what happen at the time. they have some emotional reason too. In conclusion, 4 cases of them belong to dissociative disorder and 2 other cases, TIA.

• The Korean Journal of Pain
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.235-239
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• 2007

Spontaneous intracranial hypotension (SIH) is believed to be a benign disease. However, numerous studies have reported serious complications related to SIH, including subdural hematoma. In this case report, a 54-year-old male patient visited the emergency room with orthostatic headache. A brain magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) study showed diffuse mild thickening and enhancement of pachymeninges, with a suspicious minimal amount of subdural fluid collected in the left posterior parietal area. His orthostatic headache showed no improvement with conservative treatment; but his pain was almost completely relieved after two trials of cervical epidural blood patch. On the 74th day after the onset of his pain, the patient showed a drowsy mental status and slurred speech when he visited the pain clinic. Brain computerized tomography indicated a left subdural hemorrhage, and he underwent emergency operation to drain the SDH. In conclusion, pain clinicians should pay attention to abrupt changes in mental status as well as continuous headache, for the early diagnosis of SDH in SIH patients.