• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.99-112
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• 2022

Purpose - This paper empirically investigates via a spatial lag model from the perspective of space economy to find the influencing factors of South Korea's OFDI along with 60 countries. Design/methodology - In the study of regional economic phenomena, we must first test the corresponding spatial correlation, and on this basis, complete the construction of the spatial model. For the target research object, after testing the spatial correlation, if there is spatial correlation, a spatial measurement model is needed. This paper uses the global Moran's I index for calculation. Based on the characteristics and research needs of the research object, this paper selects the spatial lag model to verify the existence of the spatial effect and factors affecting OFDI. Findings - Our results show that export scale, infrastructure, technology level, political stability, resource endowment, market size, distance and labor cost have a certain impact on Korea's OFDI, but at present the distance and market size factors are the most important influencing factors for South Korea's OFDI, The technical level and political stability have little effect on South Korea's OFDI, and are not main factors determining South Korea's OFDI. Originality/value - Through spatial measurement verification, it was found that the spatial effect has a significant impact on OFDI, along with more than 60 countries. On this basis, relevant suggestions are put forward, which have strong practical significance for South Korea's OFDI to achieve healthy and sustainable development.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.117-128
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• 2013

This study aims to examine various discourses of the urban landscape discussed in the fields of new cultural geography, spatial political economy, and landscape architecture in order to propose a theoretical framework for the interpretation of a contemporary urban landscape. The notion of landscape is a modern idea that separates humans, especially the bourgeois subject, from nature, and then achieves the visual possession of nature. New cultural geographers have studied the political aspects of landscape. According to them, landscape as materialized discourse is "a way of seeing" which includes the vision of the upper class, the imperialistic view, and the masculine and voyeuristic gaze. In addition, spatial political economists have paid attention to the economic aspects of landscape. They have emphasized that the material production of landscape is indispensable in the production of surplus values in the capitalistic system. Thus, we insist focusing dialectically on both the materiality and ideology of landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38
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• pp.15-36
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• 1988

In this paper, I consider the development of methods in contemporary human geography in terms of a dialectical relation of action and structure, and try to draw a new horizon of method toward which geographical research and spatial theory would develop. The positivist geography which was dominent during 1960s has been faced both with serious internal reflections and strong external criticisms in the 1970s. The internal reflections that pointed out its ignorance of spatial behavior of decision-makers and its simplication of complex spatial relations have developed behavioural geography and systems-theoretical approach. Yet this kinds of alternatives have still standed on the positivist, geography, even though they have seemed to be more real and complicate than the previous one, The external criticisms that have argued against the positivist method as phenomenalism and instrumentalism suggest some alternatives: humanistic geography which emphasizes intention and action of human subject and meaning-understanding, and structuralist geography which stresses on social structure as a totality which would produce spatial phenomena, and a theoretical formulation. Human geography today can be characterized by a strain and conflict between these methods, and hence rezuires a synthetic integration between them. Philosophy and social theory in general are in the same in which theories of action and structural analysis have been complementary or conflict with each other. Human geography has fallen into a further problematic with the introduction of a method based on so-called political ecnomy. This method has been suggested not merely as analternative to the positivist geography, but also as a theoretical foundation for critical analysis of space. The political economy of space with has analyzed the capitalist space and tried to theorize its transformation may be seen either as following humanistic(or Hegelian) Marxism, such as represented in Lefebvre's work, or as following structuralist Marxism, such as developed in Castelles's or Harvey's work. The spatial theory following humanistic Marxism has argued for a dialectic relation between 'the spatial' and 'the social', and given more attention to practicing human agents than to explaining social structures. on the contray, that based on structuralist Marxism has argued for social structures producing spatial phenomena, and focused on theorising the totality of structures, Even though these two perspectives tend more recently to be convergent in a way that structuralist-Marxist. geographers relate the domain of economic and political structures with that of action in their studies of urban culture and experience under capitalism, the political ecnomy of space needs an integrated method with which one can overcome difficulties of orthhodox Marxism. Some novel works in philosophy and social theory have been developed since the end of 1970s which have oriented towards an integrated method relating a series of concepts of action and structure, and reconstructing historical materialism. They include Giddens's theory of structuration, foucault's geneological analysis of power-knowledge, and Habermas's theory of communicative action. Ther are, of course, some fundamental differences between these works. Giddens develops a theory which relates explicitly the domain of action and that of structure in terms of what he calls the 'duality of structure', and wants to bring time-space relations into the core of social theory. Foucault writes a history in which strategically intentional but nonsubjective power relations have emerged and operated by virtue of multiple forms of constrainst wihthin specific spaces, while refusing to elaborate any theory which would underlie a political rationalization. Habermas analyzes how the Western rationalization of ecnomic and political systems has colonized the lifeworld in which we communicate each other, and wants to formulate a new normative foundation for critical theory of society which highlights communicatie reason (without any consideration of spatial concepts). On the basis of the above consideration, this paper draws a new norizon of method in human geography and spatial theory, some essential ideas of which can be summarized as follows: (1) the concept of space especially in terms of its relation to sociery. Space is not an ontological entity whch is independent of society and has its own laws of constitution and transformation, but it can be produced and reproduced only by virtue of its relation to society. Yet space is not merlely a material product of society, but also a place and medium in and through which socety can be maintained or transformed.(2) the constitution of space in terms of the relation between action and structure. Spatial actors who are always knowledgeable under conditions of socio-spatial structure produce and reproduce their context of action, that is, structure; and spatial structures as results of human action enable as well as constrain it. Spatial actions can be distinguished between instrumental-strategicaction oriented to success and communicative action oriented to understanding, which (re)produce respectively two different spheres of spatial structure in different ways: the material structure of economic and political systems-space in an unknowledged and unitended way, and the symbolic structure of social and cultural life-space in an acknowledged and intended way. (3) the capitalist space in terms of its rationalization. The ideal development of space would balance the rationalizations of system space and life-space in a way that system space providers material conditions for the maintainance of the life-space, and the life-space for its further development. But the development of capitalist space in reality is paradoxical and hence crisis-ridden. The economic and poltical system-space, propelled with the steering media like money, and power, has outstriped the significance of communicative action, and colonized the life-space. That is, we no longer live in a space mediated communicative action, but one created for and by money and power. But no matter how seriously our everyday life-space has been monetalrized and bureaucratised, here lies nevertheless the practical potential which would rehabilitate the meaning of space, the meaning of our life on the Earth.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.312-334
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• 2010

This paper examines the process of Gyeongbu Highway construction from the standpoint of political economy, which was pursued by President Park Jeong-Hee in the 1960s, focusing on the politics of mobility and demarcation implied in it. As results of examination, it can be argued that Gyeongbu Highway was seen as a powerful element to promote a socio-spatial integration of population and hence to enforce an authoritative political power of the Park regime through creation of mobility; that it has had an strong impact on changing the physical landscape of national space and the spatio-temporal rhythm of everyday life by extending the 'machine space' as a non-place; that it has provided a physical infrastructure on which the period of capital circulation could be reduced through its effect of space-time compression. But Gyeongbu Highway has led serious problems such as uneven regional development, expansion of non-place or alienated place, ecological destruction and pollution. In conclusion, a sustainable politics is suggested to overcome this kind of 'tragedy of highway' and to develop the highway as a true way of political and spatial balance and integration.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.67-82
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• 2004

There is a general agreement that the global social-economic system is undergoing fundamental changes, which can be explained in terms of the transformation of production system from the Fordism to Post-Fordism since the 1980s. These fundamental changes have resulted in the 'new urbanization' process in the most of large cities in the developed countries. The aim of this paper is to identify the 'new urbanization' process in a large city in Korea that is, Daejon. For the propose, this paper tries to examine and conceptualize empirically the changes of economic, political, social-cultural, and spatial aspects of Daejon metropolis in the respect of 'new urbanization'. The major findings of this essay are summarized as follows. First of all, Daejon economy has experienced new changes, that is the development of service economy and high tech industry. But the old industry still remain important in the urban economy. Secondly, in the political aspect, new civil movements flourish in the city, while the political power of Jaminlyeon, a pro-conservative and narrow-regionalism party, once dominated this region, has decreased its influence. Thirdly. the original CBD of Daejon has been declined while new (sub-)CBBs have emerging in Daejon spatial structures. In conclusion, we can find some clues of the new urbanization process in Daejon, but this process is still quite slow and somewhat different from those of large cities of the developed countries.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.281-296
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• 1994

It is generally accepted that there is always a potential for crisis in the capitalist society because of the internal contradiction of capitalism. The contradiction is explicitly and implicitly expressed in space. The fundamental contradiction in capitalism, however, is controlled and mediated by the state (i.e., the capitalist state). We thus could argue that the state plays an important role in the capitalist society and in the capitalist spatial formation. It is necessary to note how and why spatial structure has developed unevenly in capitalist societies, particularly in the U.S., The general concept of uneven geographical development is understood in the context of the capitalist economic system and the role of the state. But the problem is that the capitalist state itself has a contradiction between the productive function (i.e., accumulation function) and the reproductive function (i.e., legitimation function). The compromise of the two functions is always the dilemma of the state and the state becomes the object of class struggle (e.g., political class struggle) . The research questions are as follows. First, what is the role of the state in the economic structure and what is the internal problem of the state\ulcorner Second, what is the role of the state in space economy (or in spatial structure)\ulcorner And last, what is the relation between the federal state and the local state in the U.S. and how does the relation form the urban policies and thus the urban and regional development\ulcorner The paper will be looking at how the political economy in the U.S. explains unevenly developed geographical phenomenon.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.407-427
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• 2004

The rapid innovation of information and communication technology and its sharp falling prices have brought about the expansion of the Internet, integrating the world as one space under converged space and time. This rapid expansion of the Internet and its application in the economy have spurred the emergence of the digital economy. The Internet has influenced strongly on the changes of not only economic activities but also political, social and cultural activities. In this context, a rapidly increasing Internet expansion renders the rhetoric about the death of distance and about the meaningless of geographical place. However, the development and expansion of Internet induces a growing digital divide among nations and also a spatial inequality in a nation as the supply of the Internet has concentrated towards demand-affluent large cities. A large gap of digital access has been occurred between high income and low income countries according to a measurement of the international digital access index. In a national level, the Internet backbone has been built around large cities which favor a large amount of the Internet demand, and the affordable accessibility of these cities for the Internet services has influenced strongly on the agglomeration of Internet related industries, further inducing the construction and investment of the Internet backbone into large cities as cumulative causation effects. As a result, the expansion of the Internet affects immensely on the changes of spatial structure in a nation resulting in the new spatial phenomena such as centralization, concentration and splintering in the digitalized space-economy.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.5-44
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• 2013

This essay offers a historically based critique of the idea of "alternative modernities" that has acquired popularity in scholarly discussions over the last two decades. While significant in challenging Euro/American-centered conceptualizations of modernity, the idea of "alternative modernities" (or its twin, "multiple modernities") is open to criticism in the sense in which it has acquired currency in academic and political circles. The historical experience of Asian societies suggests that the search for "alternatives" long has been a feature of responses to the challenges of Euromodernity. But whereas "alternative" was conceived earlier in systemic terms, in its most recent version since the 1980s cultural difference has become its most important marker. Adding the adjective "alternative" to modernity has important counter-hegemonic cultural implications, calling for a new understanding of modernity. It also obscures in its fetishization of difference the entrapment of most of the "alternatives" claimed--products of the reconfigurations of global power--within the hegemonic spatial, temporal and developmentalist limits of the modernity they aspire to transcend. Culturally conceived notions of alternatives ignore the common structural context of a globalized capitalism which generates but also sets limits to difference. The seeming obsession with cultural difference, a defining feature of contemporary global modernity, distracts attention from urgent structural questions of social inequality and political injustice that have been globalized with the globalization of the regime of neoliberal capitalism. Interestingly, "the cultural turn" in the problematic of modernity since the 1980s has accompanied this turn in the global political economy during the same period. To be convincing in their claims to "alterity", arguments for "alternative modernities" need to re-articulate issues of cultural difference to their structural context of global capitalism. The goal of the discussion is to work out the implications of these political issues for "revisioning" the history and historiography of modernity.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.443-470
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• 2003

This study is to consider economic, political, socio-cultural and environmental characteristics of the new urbanization process and its spatial structures and urban policy of Seoul in the 1990s. Some experimental findings which have been identified throughout this study can be summarized as follows. First of all, Seoul, the largest city in S.Korea has experienced a restructuring process of economy, which has been promoted by the development of producer services as well as knowledge- based or high tech industries. Secondly, the autonomy of Seoul has increased after the introduction of local self-government, with relatively higher self-management of local finance than other cities, strengthening the tendency of enterpreneurialism, empowering civil movements, and increasing the political participation of women. Thirdly, in the socio-cultural aspect, the material wants to gain a certain identity through consumption, using urban environments culturally, varying consuming attitudes and ways of leisure times in relation with the rapid development of transportation and information communication. Fourthly, in the environmental aspect, Seoul has tried to introduce the concept of sustainable development in terms of increasing wants on the quality of life, and to develop a pro-environmental eco-city with environmental rehabilitation, constructing green space and eco-park. Finally, in the spatial dimension, Seoul has shown a structuration of multi-centers, with highly spectacular urban landscapes and seemingly authentic urban planning. These results make us confirm that Seoul has been in the process of new urbanization which can be distinguished from the previous one.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.115-134
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• 1997

We now live in the new era of globalization which implies the functional integration or increase of inter-dependency between internationally dispersed economic activities. As globalization impacts our various activities and daily lives, social sciences, including, geography, attempt to approach social phenomena from a global perspective. From this point of view. new regional geography, which has been articulated in recent social theory since the 1980s, also must adjust to these new world realities. This paper aims to search for a suitable methodology or approach to area study or regional geography in the era of globalization and to suggest the field of area study that Korean geographers should be concerned with in the future. This paper has reviewed the existing various methodologies of regional geography such as the ecological approach, the landscape approach. the areal differentiation approach, the system approach, the structuration theory, the spatial division of labour, and the world-system, which have deviced in the traditional and new regional geography. Peter Taylor's regional geography of world systems among them has an appropriate rationale of area study in the globalization era, because world-systems theory explains well globalization. However the regional geography of world-systems must be revised to become more suitable to the area-study approach in the globalization era. Firstly, the regional geography of world-systems explains that regions(historical regions) are made by general mechanisms of the capitalist world-economy that operate through social, economic, and political agents within regions such as individuals, households, social classes, economic enterprises, states, political movements, and many other organizations. But these mechanisms can also act through other regional agents of geographical location, natural conditions, and cultural characteristics. Therefore, the generating process of regions needs to be explained by locational, natural, and cultural elements in addition to social, economic, and political elements within regions. Secondly, Taylor's world-systems approach does not express composite characteristics of regions, because it focuses on the economic characteristics or position of regions within the world-economy. Regions incorporated into world-economy systems are not only changed economically, but also changed spatially, socially, culturally, and politically. Hence the world-systems approach must try to analyze these composite characteristics and their change of regions. Thirdly, The world-system approach proposed that the geography of regions within world-systems could be divided and analyzed as three regional types at the geographical scale such as international regions, state regions, and intra-state regions. However such a regionalization is usually not identified distinctly, because the geographical range of regions in world-systems shaped by economic boundaries of the general mechanisms of the world-economy is fluid and also occasionally overlaps with other political regions. Hence I propose that the world-systems approach should choose political boundaries of states and local autonomies in addition to economic boundaries for objective regionalization and systematic areal study. The revised regional geography of world-systems that I have suggested in this paper can be more effectively and properly applied to regional geography or area study in the globalization era. Globalization intensifies competition between states and also between local autonomies in the world. Therefore we must make efforts to study such areas or regions through the revised regional geography of world-system.