• Ocean and Polar Research
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• 제30권1호
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• pp.89-107
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• 2008

Marine environment is subject serious destruction because of frequent accidents during exploration of marine resources and overseas transport. Also, as many industrial enterprises discharge high volume of wastes and contamination, marine pollution has become a serious threat to people (especially in China). China is quickly becoming a world economic leader of the 21st century. Rapid industrialization and social changes have raised the standard of living of millions of the Chinese, mainly in the areas of East and South East coast. The process of industrialization, however, is often followed by deterioration of the marine environment and rarely turned around until a country has increased its standard of living. Solving these array of problems will take decades and currently the government is addressing minor specific issues only. Fortunately, the Chinese government has enacted a number of marine pollution control laws. On 25 December 1999, the 13th Session of the Ninth Standing Commettee of the National People's Congress passed the amended the Marine Environment Protection Law of the People's Republic of China. This Law establishes rights and responsibilities of the relevant departments concerning marine environment management and provides for two new chapters on "Marine Environment Supervision" and "Marine Ecological Protection", along with "Supervision of Pollution Prevention for Marine Construction Projects", "Marine Ecological Protection" and "Marine Environment Pollution Prevention for Marine Construction Projects". Also, the Law was amended with provisions for integrated pollution discharge control system and oil spillage emergency response plan and enhanced legal responsibilities. Chinese government recognizes that international and national experience can be useful for China to prevent further ecological degradation of the marine environment.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제31권2호
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• pp.237-269
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• 2016

Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization (APSCO) is the only intergovernmental space cooperation organization in Asia. Since its establishment to date, eight countries have signed the convention and become member states. South Korea participated actively in the preparatory phase of creating the organization, and one conference organized by AP-MCSTA which is the predecessor of APSCO was held in South Korea. However, after the APSCO Convention was opened for signature in 2005 to date, South Korea does not ratify the Convention and become a member. The rapid development of space commercialization and privatization, as well as the fastest growing commercial space market in Asia, provides opportunities for Asian countries to cooperate with each other in relevant space fields. And to participate in the existing cooperation framework (e.g., the APSCO) by the Asian space countries (e.g., South Korea) could be a proper choice. Even if the essential cooperation in particular space fields is challenging, joint space programs among different Asian countries for dealing with the common events can be initiated at the first steps. Since APSCO has learned the successful legal arrangements from ESA, the legal measures established by its Convention are believed to be qualified to ensure the achievement of benefits of different member states. For example, the regulation of the "fair return" principle confirms that the return of interests from the relevant programs is in proportion to the member's investment in the programs. Moreover, the distinguish of basic and optional activities intends to authorize the freedom of the members to choose programs to participate. And for the voting procedure, the acceptance of the "consensus" by the Council is in favor of protecting the member's interest when making decisions. However, political factors that are potential to block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are difficult to be ignored. A recent event is an announcement of deploying THAAD by South Korea, which causes tension between South Korea and China. The cooperation between these two states in space activities will be influenced. A long-standing barrier is that China acts as a non-member of the main international export control mechanism, i.e., the MTCR. The U.S takes this fact as the main reason to prevent South Korea to cooperate with China in developing space programs. Although the political factors that will block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are not easy to removed shortly, legal measures can be taken to reduce the political influence. More specifically, APSCO is recommended to ensure the achievement of commercial interests of different cooperation programs by regulating precisely the implementation of the "fair return" principle. Furthermore, APSCO is also suggested to contribute to managing the common regional events by sharing satellite data. And it is anticipated that these measures can effectively response the requirements of the rapid development of space commercialization and the increasing common needs of Asia, thereby to provide a platform for the further cooperation. In addition, in order to directly reduce the political influence, two legal measures are necessary to be taken: Firstly, to clarify the rights and responsibilities of the host state (i.e., China) as providing assistance, coordination and services to the management of the Organization to release the worries of the other member states that the host state will control the Organization's activities. And secondly, to illustrate that the cooperation in APSCO is for the non-military purpose (a narrow sense of "peaceful purpose") to reduce the political concerns. Regional cooperation in Asia regarding space affairs is considered to be a general trend in the future, so if the participation of South Korea in APSCO can be finally proved to be feasible, there will be an opportunity to discuss the creation of a comprehensive institutionalized framework for space cooperation in Asia.

• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.175-199
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• 2018

Recent marine territorial disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea have come to us as a great threat. China, which has recently established the China Coast Guard and has rapidly developed maritime security forces, is trying to overcome the various conflict countries with its power. Japan is also strengthening intensively its maritime security forces. Since Korea, China, and Japan are geographically neighboring and sharing maritime space in Northeast Asia, there is no conflict between maritime jurisdiction and territorial rights among the countries. The struggle for initiative in the ocean is fierce among the three coastal nations in Northeast Asia. therefore, Korea needs more thorough preparation and response to protect the marine sovereignty. As the superpowers of China and Japan are confronted and the United States is involved in the balance of power in strategic purposes, the East Asian sea area is a place where tension and conflict environment exist. China's illegal fishing boats are constantly invading our waters, and they even threaten the lives of our police officers. The issue of delimiting maritime boundaries between Korea and China has yet to be solved, and is underway in both countries, and there is a possibility that the exploration activities of the continental shelf resources may collide as the agreement on the continental shelf will expire between Korea and Japan. On the other hand, conflicts in the maritime jurisdictions of the three countries in Korea, China and Japan are leading to the enhancement of maritime security forces to secure deterrence rather than military confrontation. In the situation where the unresolved sovereignty and jurisdiction conflicts of Korea, China and Japan continue, and the competition for the strengthening of the maritime powers of China and Japan becomes fierce, there is a urgent need for stabilization and enhancement of the maritime forces in our country. It is necessary to establish a new long-term strategy for enhancing the maritime security force and to carry out it. It is expected that the Korean Coast Guard, which once said that it was a model for the establishment of China's Coast Guard as a powerful force for the enforcement of the maritime law, firmly establishes itself as a key force to protect our oceans with the Navy and keeps our maritime sovereignty firmly.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제25권2호
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• pp.58-74
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• 2021

Purpose - This paper research on the embodied carbon emission in Sino-Korea trade. It calculates and analyzes the carbon emission coefficient and specific carbon emissions in Sino-Korea trade from 2005 to 2014. Design/methodology - This paper conducted an empirical analysis for embodied carbon emission in Sino-Korea trade during the years 2005-2014, using a multi-region input-output model. First, direct and complete CO2 emission coefficient of the two countries were calculated and compared. On this basis, combined with the world input-output table, the annual import and export volume and sector volume of embodied carbon emission are determined. Then through the comparative analysis of the empirical results, the reasons for the carbon imbalance in Sino-Korea trade are clarified, and the corresponding suggestions are put forward according to the environmental protection policies being implemented by the two countries. Findings - The results show that South Korea is in the state of net trade export and net embodied carbon import. The carbon emission coefficient of most sectors in South Korea is lower than that of China. However, the reduction of carbon emission coefficient in China is significantly faster than that in South Korea in this decade. The change of Korea's complete CO2 emission coefficient shows that policy factors have a great impact on environmental protection. The proportion of intra industry trade between China and South Korea is relatively large and concentrated in mechanical and electrical products, chemical products, etc. These sectors generally have large carbon emissions, which need to be noticed by both countries. Originality/value - To the best knowledge of the authors, this study is the first attempt to research the embodied carbon emission of ten consecutive years in Sino-Korea Trade. In addition, In this paper, some mathematical methods are used to overcome the error problem caused by different statistical caliber in different databases. Finally, the accurate measurement of carbon level in bilateral trade will provide some reference for trade development and environmental protection.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.5-29
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• 2018

Models of South-North Korean economic integration have the problem of circular reasoning. While many studies argue that South-North Korean economic integration would contribute to alleviate security risks in the Korean peninsular, they emphasize the success of any economic model of inter-Korean economic integration is subject to favorable geo-political and security environment. It is a failure in distinguishing between goals and constraints. After identifying three major goals of South-North Korean economic cooperation, this study shows the trilemma among the goals; they are 1) formation of a complete economic community, 2) maintaining independent sovereignty of the two Koreas, 3) promotion of mutual economic interests. The trilemma suggests that it is theoretically impossible to achieve the above three goals at the same time. Only two goals are achievable simultaneously. This study argues that the most practical option is to pursue the combination of goals 2) and 3) considering the complex political and security environment around the Korean peninsular. Recognizing that North Korea is the least developed country in the Northeast Asia region, South Korea's initiatives for inter-Korean economic cooperation should focus on assisting industrialization and integration of the North Korea economy into the Northeast Asian regional production sharing structure. In view of the 'flying geese model' of the sequential industrialization in the region, the least developed economic status of North Korea can partially be explained by its failure to participate in the production network in the region as well as lack of effective implementation of appropriate industrial policy. Therefore, promotion of industrialization of North Korea should be the immediate goal of economic cooperation between North and South Korea. It is an interesting fact that North Korea has rapidly expanded its apparel exports in recent years. It could mean that the North Korean economy is actively responding to the dynamics of international comparative advantage structure, although the production activities are limited to exports to China since the closure of the Gaesung Industrial Complex. The recent increase in apparel export is a starting point for incorporating the Easy Import Substitution fulfilling both domestic and neighboring regional demand of North Korea. It could help integrate North Korea's industry into the production network of Northeast Asia. An immediate policy implication is that the economic cooperation between the two Koreas should focus on facilitating this process and supporting North Korea's industrial policy through South Korea's contribution of capital, technology, and service intermediary inputs.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.142-163
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• 2013

Ieodo is a submerged rock within a Korea's Exclusive Economic Zone(EEZ) in the East China Sea with its most shallow part about 4.6m below the sea level which has no specific rights for the EEZ delimitation. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) stipulates that any coastal state has the rights to claim an EEZ that stretches up to 200 nautical miles from its shore, except where there is an overlap with a neighboring country's claims. Korea claims that Ieodo is within its EEZ as it sits on the Korean side of the equidistant line and the reef is located on the Korea section of the continental shelf. China does not recognize Korea's application of the equidistance principle and insists that Ieodo lies on its continental shelf. According to UNCLOS, Ieodo is located in international waters, rather than one country's EEZ as the two countries have failed to reach a final agreement over the delimitation of the maritime border. This study seeks to understand the evolution of the People's Liberation Army Navy(PLAN) strategy as main obstacles for the EEZ delimitation between Korea and China. PLAN's Strategy evolves from "coastal defense" to "offshore defence", since the late 1980s from a "coastal defence" strategy to an "offshore defence" strategy which would extend the perimeter of defence to between 200 nm and 400 nm from the coast. China's economic power has increased It's dependence on open trade routes for energy supplies and for its own imports and exports. China want secure Sea Lane. PLAN's "offshore defence" strategy combines the concept of active defence with the deployment of its military forces beyond its borders. China's navy try to forward base its units and to achieve an ocean going capability. China's navy expects to have a 'Blue Water' capability by 2050. China insists that coastal states do have a right under UNCLOS to regulate the activities of foreign military forces in their EEZs. China protests several times against US military forces operating within It's EEZ. The U.S. position is that EEZs should be consistent with customary international law of the sea, as reflected in UNCLOS. U.S. has a national interest in the preservation of freedom of navigation as recognized in customary international law of the sea and reflected in UNCLOS. U.S. insists that coastal states under UNCLOS do not have the right to regulate foreign military activities in their EEZs. To be consistent with its demand that the U.S. cease performing military operations in china's EEZ, China would not be able to undertake any military operations in the waters of South Korea's EEZ. As such, to preserve its own security interests, China prefers a status quo policy and used strategic ambiguity on the Ieodo issue. PLAN's strategy of coastal defence has been transformed into offensive defence, Korea's EEZ can be a serious limitation to PLAN's operational plan of activities. Considering China'a view of EEZs, China do not want make EEZ delimitation agreement between Korea and China. China argues that the overlapping areas between EEZs should be handled through negotiations and neither side can take unilateral actions before an agreement is reached. China would prefer Ieodo sea zone as a international waters, rather than one country's EEZ.

• 한류연구
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.25-29
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• 2022

Economic growth is one of the significant benchmarks determining a country's sustainable growth. Before WWII, most countries perceived their priority in terms of military strength as they dedicated most of their efforts and resources to creating weapons of mass destruction. The current research aims to establish some of the significant factors that may have contributed to the sustainable and progressive economic growth of South Korea within the 60-year timeframe. Multiple prior studies have attributed the economic growth in South Korea to policy reforms that opened the country to foreign markets. The outstanding increase in the percentage of exports stands out as an indication of the improvement in the quality of goods produced in the country. Finally, in recent years, China has dedicated more resources to research and developments as a strategy to improve innovation within the country and its overall economic growth. Other issues of concern likely to undermine the prospects of the country's economic growth include the limited geographical size, aging population, and limited natural resources. As such, South Korea needs to emphasize innovation and improve the business environment as its main strategy for sustainable economic growth in the future to maintain its continuous economic miracle.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.94-120
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• 2015

The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.281-285
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• 2024

Within five years of Kim Jong-un's rise to power, North Korea conducted four nuclear tests and launched the Hwasong-15, an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), in 2017, declaring the completion of its nuclear forces. During the period when Kim Jong-un completed nuclear forces to maintain the regime, foreign policy factors of the United States, China, Russia, and South Korea drove North Korea's accelerated nuclear development. The main motivating factors were the hostile policies and external threats as security factors. The completion of nuclear forces is also the result of the interplay of domestic political factors, normative factors, and hereditary factors. North Korea has been developing nuclear weapons and missiles for the survival of its regime. To achieve lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula, a new modus vivendi must be sought. It is necessary to set the ultimate goal of North Korea's complete denuclearization and engage in strategic thinking for a realistic and effective phased approach.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제15권3호
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• pp.267-301
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• 2005

Following the increased economic corporations between the South and North Korea, many companies participate the corporation program. They needs insurance policy as a scheme for the transfer of risk from those individual company to it to an insurer. This paper review the possibility of the North Korea insurance authorities and research the origin, history, structure and context of the North Korea insurance law. The North Korea Insurance law differ from the South Korea and China's. North Korea Insurance authority has not capability of doing insurance business both side of underwriting and indemnity. Partly, it caused the uncertainty, insufficient and vague of the insurance law. The writer conclude that the North Korea insurance law faced to the needs of modernization. Especially, the Gyesung Industrial Complex Insurance Regulation couldn't cover the investor and company's risk because it is not based on the nature and basic principles of insurance.