• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.35 no.1
• /
• pp.36-47
• /
• 2017

In this research, sematic comparative study on formative idea and landscape elements composition was made between Soswaewon which was a remote villa garden in Joseon Dynasty and Canglang Pavilion which was built at a time when Neo-confucianism had been created in Song dynasty. From which the summary was resulted as below: Firstly, Soswaewon was fully devoted to Neo-confucianism among Korean remote villa gardens, Canglang-Pavilion was deeply affiliated with Neo-confucianism the deep-rooted thought. Adding a comment, as a richly historied Chinese private garden it was the best preserved even now and the farmost point from now and approximately 500 years advanced than Soswaewon, moreover Sosunheum the builder belonged to gentry society in Song dynasty. Secondly, Both Soswaewon and Canglang-Pavilion were remarkable thank to nature friendly concept which was deeply rooted in the eremitic thought(隱逸思想). Most of all, it might be interpreted the location of Soswaewon lay down in a mountain, as to be swallow hidden(小隱) but that of Canglang-Pavilion lay down in a city, as to be middle hidden(中隱). Thirdly, approaching with comparative study to gardens' factors implicated in symbolization when naming both Soswaewon and Canglang-Pavilion, neo-confucianism in Song dynasty in which diverse thoughts ranging Confucianism and Buddhism and Taoism had formed ensemble and developed was deeply built in Soswaewon, as to be in consistency to nature and to be a basis for comprehending diverse symbolization factors found in Canglang-Pavilion. Fourthly, given that forms or factors of gardens was tangibly came up with thoughts' variation we surely underwent to comparative study. Through which we could know Soswaewon was made by maximizing use of nature but minimizing addition of artificial things. In other words, it was trial of expressing semantic feature of the site in a way blending natural circumstance and liberal one. One of the representatives, Daebongdae in Soswaewon was a site where the owner's idea came up with. Scenary was recreated and nature was represented in interspace of Canglang-Pavilion with the high wall around the border, for which it renounced the world. To the end, it was understood there was the location characteristic of Canglang-Pavilion which let us look down from mountain and take some time for introspection. It might be said that the cultural root was in common between Korea and China, however it was found there were lots of differences in forms and features of gardens. We were able to interpret that social and cultural background were led to gardens' formation in which individual characteristic of two nations were blended, from which difference was resulted.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.47 no.4
• /
• pp.136-161
• /
• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.66
• /
• pp.331-362
• /
• 2017

The paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals refer to the paintings based on an influential poem called "The Song of the Eight Drunken Immortals" by Du Fu, a Chinese poet from the Tang Dynasty. This poem is about the eccentricity of the Eight Immortals known for their love of drinking. The Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated among East Asian intellectuals, and their stories have also been translated into paintings. Greatly influenced by Li Gonglin's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals, people in China have the tendency to create similar scroll paintings, using contour drawing tools. Meanwhile, in Korea, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated both as a type of visual art embodying the Drunken Immortals' taste for the arts and as a meaningful object conveying the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. According to historical records, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals from the Ming Dynasty were drawn on eight-fold folding screens using a sophisticated ink wash painting technique. In the meantime, the Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals appreciated by King Jeongjo from the Joseon Dynasty was a colored landscape painting with small human figures on an eight-fold folding screen. Since the recent discovery of Yi Han-cheol's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals on an eight-fold folding screen, it has now become possible to imagine how renowned artists such as Kim Hong-do and Kim Yang-gi would have made the narrative figure paintings. In particular, the story of Li Bai, one of the Eight Immortals, was the most famous one often told in the paintings. After the 19th century, there was even an entire panel of narrative folding screen made about Li Bai. As painting manuals and outline drawings were pervasively used, the narrative paintings on Li Bai were mass-produced among commoners. As you can see from this, the Eight Drunken Immortals have been visually represented as thirsty souls who are not disconnected from the world, as honest men of refined taste for the arts, and as protagonists of an object that conveys the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. In other words, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals embody multiple undertones: as paintings based on Du Fu's poems and as narrative paintings on the Eight Immortals.

• Journal of Korean Society for Atmospheric Environment
• /
• v.31 no.4
• /
• pp.330-344
• /
• 2015

Semi-continuous measurements of $PM_{2.5}$ mass, organic and elemental carbon were made for the period of January to October 2014, at six national air monitoring stations in Korea. OC and EC concentrations showed a clear seasonal variation with the highest in winter (January) and the lowest in summer (August). In winter, the high carbonaceous concentrations were likely influenced by increased fuel combustion from residential heating. OC and EC concentrations varied by monitoring stations with 5.9 and $1.7{\mu}g/m^3$ in Joongbu area, 4.2 and $1.2{\mu}g/m^3$ in Honam area, 4.0 and $1.3{\mu}g/m^3$ in Yeongnam area, 3.7 and $1.6{\mu}g/m^3$ in Seoul Metropolitan area, 3.0 and $0.8{\mu}g/m^3$ in Jeju Island, 2.9 and $0.7{\mu}g/m^3$ in Baengnyeong Island respectively. The concentrations of OC and EC comprised 9.6~ 15.5% and 2.4~ 4.7% of $PM_{2.5}$. Urban Joongbu area located adjacent to the intersection of several main roads showed the highest carbon concentration among six national air monitoring station. On the other hand, background Baengnyeong Island showed the lowest carbon concentration and the highest OC/EC ratio (4.5). During the haze episode, OC and EC were enhanced with increase in $PM_{2.5}$ about 1.3~ 3 and 1.3~ 4.0 times respectively. The concentrations of OC, EC in the Asian dust case are about 1~ 2.4 times greater than in the nondust case. The origins of air mass pathways arriving at Seoul, using the backward trajectory analysis, can be mostly classified into 6 groups (Sector I Northern Korea including the sea of Okhotsk, Sector II Northern China including Mongolia, Sector III Southern China, Sector IV South Pacific area, Sector V Japan, Sector VI Southern Korea area). When an air mass originating from northern China and Mongolia, the OC concentrations were the most elevated, with a higher OC/EC ratio (2.4~ 3.3), and accounting for 17% of $PM_{2.5}$ mass on average.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.48 no.3
• /
• pp.96-119
• /
• 2015

This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$ ${\acute{a}}ng$ style.

• Journal of Wetlands Research
• /
• v.17 no.1
• /
• pp.45-52
• /
• 2015

We obtained the following results from investigation on vegetation damage from 5 to 6 August, 2013, about one year after an accident that hydrofluoric acid leaked from a chemical maker, Hube Globe in Gumi. Pinus densiflora and Pinus strobus showed very severe damage. Ginko biloba, Quercus acutissima, Pinus rigida, Salix glandulosa, Hibiscus syriacus, and Lagerstroemia indica showed severe damage. Quercus variabilis, Lespedeza cyrtobotrya, and Miscanthus sinensis showed moderate damage. Quercus aliena, Smilax china, Arundidinella hirta, Ailanthus altissima, Robinia pseudoacacia, and Paulowinia coreana showed slight damage. We did not find any plants without leaf damage around there. This result means that fluoride damage still persists in this area as was known that fluoride remains for a long time in air, soil and water and exerts negative effects at all levels of an ecosystem. In addition, fluoride content contained in plant leaf depended on the distance from a fertilizer producing factory and vegetation damage tended to proportionate to the concentration in the Yeocheon industrial complex. In these respects, a measure for removal or detoxification of the remaining fluoride is urgently required around the hydrofluoric acid leak spot. Fertilizing of dolomite containing Ca and Mg, which can trap fluoride, was prepared as one of the restoration plans. In addition, phosphate fertilizing was added in order to enhance soil ameliorating effects. Furthermore, we recommend the introduction of tolerant plants as the second measure to mitigate fluoride damage. As the tolerant plants to make a new forest by replacing trees died due to hydrofluoric acid gas damage, we recommended Q. aliena and S. china, A. hirta, etc. were recommended as plant species to add mantle vegetation to the forest margin to ensure stable interior environment of the forest.

• Journal of Acupuncture Research
• /
• v.21 no.4
• /
• pp.177-196
• /
• 2004

Objective : Rheumatoid arthritis is an autoimmune disease that pathogenesis is not fully understood and one of the most intractable musculoskeletal diseases. The concern in the immunopathogenesis of rheumatoid arthritis has been increased since 1980's and many immunotherapeutic agents including disease-modifying antirheumatic drugs (DMARDs) were developed and became the mainstay of treatment of rheumatoid arthritis. However, the cure of the disease has hardly been achieved. In oriental medicine, rheumatoid arthritis is related to Bi-Zheng(痺證), that presents pain, swelling, andlor loss of joint function as major clinical manifestations, and also known to be deeply involved in suppression of immune function related to weakness of Jung-Ki(正氣). The herbal medicine, empirically used, could be a potential resource of development of new immunotherapeutic agents for rheumatoid arthritis. Methods : We developed a search strategy using terms to include "rheumatoid arthritis and herbal medicine" combined with "Chinese medicine" and/or "Oriental medicine". The search was focused on experimental studies of herbal medicine (January 1999 to May 2004), which is known to have effects on immune function of patients with rheumatoid arthritis. Computerized search used Internet databases including KISS and RISS4U (Korea), CNKI (China), MOMJ (Main Oriental Medicine Journal, Japan), and PubMed. The articles were selected from journals of universities or major research institutes. Results : The literature search for experimental studies on effects of herbal medicine on immunity of rheumatoid arthritis retrieved a total of 21 articles (Korea; 8, China ; 12, Japan ; 1). Of 21 articles, 10 were related to single-drug formula, 2 to drug interaction, and 9 to multi-drug formula. Single-drug formula was mainly used for aqua-acupuncture and researches on active components. Studies of drug interaction emphasized harmony of Ki-Hyul(氣血) and balance of Han-Yeul(寒熱). Multi-drug regimen was mainly found among formulas for Bo-Ki-Hyul(補氣血) and Bo-Sin(補腎). Conclusion : Studies on rheumatoid arthritis were performed both in vitro and in vivo in vitro study, LPS-stimulated splenocytes and synoviocytes were treated with herbal medicine, resulting in proliferation and activation of immune cells and suppression of cytokine activities in vivo study CIA animal model demonstrated that herbal medicine decreased antibody production and improved function of immune cells. In cellular and molecular study herbal medicine showed profound effects on the level of mRNA expression of certain cytokines related to immune function. This study revealed that herbal medicine has significant immune modulatory action and could be used for recovery of immune dysfunction of rheumatoid arthritis patients.

• Korean Journal of Plant Resources
• /
• v.27 no.5
• /
• pp.556-566
• /
• 2014

In this study, we collected 29 Kenaf (Hibiscus cannabinus L.) genetic resources from 10 countries to confirm the possibility of the introduction into Korea. The Kenaf (Hibiscus cannabinus L.) has the broad industrial use like feed and the 5 times more strong $CO_2$ absorption capacity compared to general plant. So recently it is considered as a good industrial source. We analyzed ecotype, growth and development, yield and feed value of collected resources. They were divided into 3 groups depending on flowering time, early maturing type blooming in early July, mid-late maturing type blooming from end of August to early September and late maturing type blooming in end of October. Early maturing type could get fruitful seed but dropped yield (average 7,895 kg/10a) and late maturing type could get high yield (average 12,572 kg/10a) but deletion. The other side mid-late maturing type could get yield over a certain level (average 11,207 kg/10a) and fruitful seed was ensured. The yields analyzed by resources indicated that K12 (Hongma 300) collected in China, K25 from India, K22 from Russia and K21 (Khonkaen 60) variety from China were more than 13,500 kg per 10a. Feed value of early maturing type had inclined to more better than other types, but like dry digestible matter (DDM) and dry matter intake (DMI) of some late maturing types like K12, K21, K22 which had a high yielding ability were more better than that of early maturing types'. So relative feed value (RFV) which considered comprehensive item for feed value were indicated K21 was 102.5, K12 was 116.2 and K22 was 120.2. 'Jangdae' the variety developed in Korea which could complement of other types' had a good quality for yield 10,975 kg/10a and 12.5% crude protein content and 101.9 of the relative feed value. So we need to be taken power to collection of mid-late maturing types resources.

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
• /
• v.49 no.3
• /
• pp.197-207
• /
• 2016

This study aims at providing basic data to objectively evaluate the areas suitable for reintroduction of the species of Asiatic black bear (Ursus thibetanus) in order to effectively preserve the Asiatic black bears in the Korean protection areas including national parks, and for the species restoration success. To this end, this study predicted the potential habitats in East Asia, Southeast Asia and India, where there are the records of Asiatic black bears' appearances using the Maxent model and environmental variables related with climate, topography, road and land use. In addition, this study evaluated the effects of the relevant climate and environmental variables. This study also analyzed inhabitation range area suitable for Asiatic black and geographic change according to future climate change. As for the judgment accuracy of the Maxent model widely utilized for habitat distribution research of wildlife for preservation, AUC value was calculated as 0.893 (sd=0.121). This was useful in predicting Asiatic black bears' potential habitat and evaluate the habitat change characteristics according to future climate change. Compare to the distribution map of Asiatic black bears evaluated by IUCN, Habitat suitability by the Maxent model were regionally diverse in extant areas and low in the extinct areas from IUCN map. This can be the result reflecting the regional difference in the environmental conditions where Asiatic black bears inhabit. As for the environment affecting the potential habitat distribution of Asiatic black bears, inhabitation rate was the highest, according to land coverage type, compared to climate, topography and artificial factors like distance from road. Especially, the area of deciduous broadleaf forest was predicted to be preferred, in comparison with other land coverage types. Annual mean precipitation and the precipitation during the driest period were projected to affect more than temperature's annual range, and the inhabitation possibility was higher, as distance was farther from road. The reason is that Asiatic black bears are conjectured to prefer more stable area without human's intervention, as well as prey resource. The inhabitation range was predicted to be expanded gradually to the southern part of India, China's southeast coast and adjacent inland area, and Vietnam, Laos and Malaysia in the eastern coastal areas of Southeast Asia. The following areas are forecast to be the core areas, where Asiatic black bears can inhabit in the Asian region: Jeonnam, Jeonbuk and Gangwon areas in South Korea, Kyushu, Chugoku, Shikoku, Chubu, Kanto and Tohoku's border area in Japan, and Jiangxi, Zhejiang and Fujian border area in China. This study is expected to be used as basic data for the preservation and efficient management of Asiatic black bear's habitat, artificially introduced individual bear's release area selection, and the management of collision zones with humans.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.2
• /
• pp.204-221
• /
• 2020

East Asian countries share a culture of perfuming clothes. The prosperity of the Maritime Silk Road and the incense trade are direct factors that have led to the development of incense culture. Perfuming clothes is a method of applying fragrance by burning incense. The Chinese could make an incense mixture with various types of incense, and records demonstrating use of perfuming clothes tools (熏籠) show that they might have perfumed clothes with incense mixtures. During the Tang dynasty, the incense trade thrived. Examples of ancient literature such as 『千金要方』, 『香譜』, 『香乘』 describe how to make incense for perfuming clothes and how to perfume clothes. 『桂海虞衡志』 and 『諸蕃志』 shows trade partners and goods. Incense was introduced to Korea alongside Buddhist culture. 『買新羅物解』 shows Silla traded incense with Japan. One of the trade goods recorded in 『買新羅物解』 is perfuming cloth incense (熏衣香), which establishes that Silla performed perfuming clothes at that time. During the Goryeo dynasty, Goryeo exported musk as well as ginseng. The royal family burned incense from the Song royal family. Noblewomen preferred sachets. The use of this dress continued into the Joseon dynasty. 『買新羅物解』 showed that Japan imported incense from Silla. 『The tale of Genji』 illustrates Heian nobles' incense culture, perfuming clothes culture, and trade of incense. Perfuming clothes tools became essential articles for marriage purposes and it developed in a practical shape. The Champa had a perfuming clothes culture. It is described on 『諸蕃志』. As Agilawood is found in Tongking, and Tongking was neighbor to the Champa and China, they might have had a perfuming clothes culture as well. Korea, China, Japan, and Vietnam shared a perfuming clothes culture. We can identify universality and commonality in the purpose of perfuming clothes, time of development, the method of making the incense mixture for perfuming clothes, the method of perfuming clothes, the tools, the gender of perfumer, and the type of herbs and spices.