• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.11 no.2
• /
• pp.61-75
• /
• 2012

The historical turbulence between China and Japan started from the First Sino-Japanese War in 1895, and culminated in Japan's invasion of China during World War Two (the Second Sino-Japanese War) between 1937 and 1945. A series of wars caused huge human and material losses in both countries, and both experienced comprehensive transformations during and after the wars. The impact of this historical turbulence is so long-lasting that it still influences both countries' social psyche. Moreover, it continues casting a long shadow upon the current Sino-Japanese relations. The recent turbulence in Sino-Japanese relations partly stems from the historical turbulence. It is much less violent but can also be emotional and worrisome. It started from the early 1980s (the Japanese history textbook controversy in 1982 and the 1985 anti-Japanese student protests in China), and culminated in the anti-Japanese mass demonstrations in multiple Chinese cities in 2005 (Bush 2010; Gries 2005; Reilly 2012; Stockmann 2010; Weiss 2008). In addition to dramatic demonstrations on streets, there are also other forms of movements, such as war reparations movements, in which Chinese war victims demand reparations from the Japanese state and companies (Rose 2005; Xu and Fine 2010; Xu and Pu 2010). Although the tension has existed for many years and surfaced from time to time, the eruption of the nationwide anti-Japanese movements in China in 2005 still shocked many outside observers. Many scholars have tried to explain the anti-Japanese sentiment within current Chinese society that underlies and drives these social movements. Through careful reexamination of the existing literature, this article proposes an explanation for the anti-Japanese sentiment from a perspective that stresses the shifting state-society interaction in China's Japan policy. Specifically, the totalitarian Chinese state's neglect and suppression of genuine social concerns regarding Japan in earlier years, followed by a relatively liberalized state that tolerates societal participation in Sino-Japanese relations, are an importance source of the anti-Japanese sentiment recently observed in China.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.31 no.4
• /
• pp.7-16
• /
• 2022

Since the beginning of the second Sino-Japanese war in 1937, the entire Korean Peninsula has entered a full-fledged wartime system. Japan enacted laws that strongly regulate the distribution of various resources for war, and the same was implemented in Joseon. In particular, as iron, copper, lead, tin, and aluminum were mobilized as raw materials for military supplies such as weapons, private distribution decreased significantly, which had a great impact on the construction industry. As the use of metal such as steel as building materials requires permission from the provincial governor, it has become difficult to supply and demand except for some military facilities. In addition, the Japanese Ministry of Commerce and Industry encouraged research and development and manufacturing to promote the so-called "substitute goods industry" to make up for the shortage of supplies. Products with improved performance through chemical treatment by injecting only a small amount of the same raw material than before or using alternative raw materials have been developed. It was intended to overcome the limitations of lack of raw materials through the chemical industry. In terms of building materials, various substitutes were produced due to the incorporation of petrochemicals and the use of synthetic resins. This trend continued even after the end of the war and served as one of the backgrounds for R&D and production of new materials without returning to the "substitute goods."

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.51
• /
• pp.25-44
• /
• 2018

Modern Japanese "Anti-war poetry" originates from Sino-Japanese war and Russo-Japanese war period. Sino-Japanese war was started by an Imperial rescript of war declared and ordered by the Japanese Emperor to the Japanese citizens. With this declaration, the Emperor gave a message to the population that Objection was not acceptable. This Declaration of Imperial Rescript (Shousho) became justified as being a Crusade or Holy war. Any Anti-war stance was considered an ideology of revolt against the Emperor and his order of Imperial rescript (Okotoba). This was why when Akiko Yosano's "Don't you dare lay down your life" (1904) was published, it received harsh criticisms such as "be punished in the name of the nation". Anti-war poetry as a way of free speech was suppressed. Short poem was especially targeted. Because it is seen as a minor genre, short poem has been passed over. It needs to be reappraised for its importance as a category of anti-war poetry. Notably, modern short poem (New Senryu) has been under oppression and relentless surveillance because of its stance of criticizing politics and society in general by making full use of satire and irony. A supreme example of satirizing of Imperial Rescript on education was the "An anti-war poetry" by Akiri Tsuru. This treatise is a study of how ironical technique from "An anti-war poetry" inverts the meaning of "Imperial decree" and "Imperial rescript".

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.37 no.2
• /
• pp.40-53
• /
• 2019

This study was conducted to investigate the changes in Scenic Spots by utilizing the "Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam(朝鮮?與勝覽)" to interpret "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon(朝鮮名勝詩選, 1915)". By examining the historical context when "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon" was published, it documented the Japanese's memories of 'Sino-Japanese War(淸日戰爭)' in 1894, which implies the 'policy of assimilation' by the Japanese Government-General of Korea after the Japanese annexation of Korea(1910). Detailed information about the author 'Narushima Sagimura(成島鷺村)' can be found in preface. In the "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon", it dedicates most of the part in describing the Scenic Spot especially in 'Anseong Do (15 lines)', where has the memories of war such as the 'First Sino-Japanese War'. The number of Scenic Spots, commonly mentioned in both "Sinjeungdonggukyeoji seungram" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam" in Cheonan province are 13 in total. Most of the content contains a similar structure. But 'Honggyeongwon(弘慶院)' and 'Seonghwanyeok(成歡驛)' has both the common Joseon Dynasty landscape point of view, and the additional historical context which are about the 'Jeongyujaeran(丁酉再亂)' or 'First Sino-Japanese War' consequently enlightens the 'placeness' of the Scenic Spots. Among the newly described Scenic Spots, 'Anseongdo(安城渡)' is the part that focuses on the memory of the 'Anseongcheon Battle' that gave Japan its first defeat in the Sino-Japanese War. Especially, by introducing the poetry of 'Sinobu Shunpei' it maximizes the appreciation through emphasizing the direct correlation between placeness and the poem itself. While the Joseon Dynasty poems are 10 pieces in total and their title and the subject matters are all related to historical spots, and the appreciation also maximizes when fully interpreted with understanding the historical context. However, it's contextual meanings are neglected by dividing the actual structures into separate pages. When looking at the location of famous historic sites, they come in many different types, considering the location, meaning, size, and conditions surrounding them. It appears as a service space for travelers, a place for sightseeing, relaxation or return, a temple space for paying respects or memorial services, a fortress facility for defense and protection, or a fishing area for wages, and an old battlefield. Especially, it is noted that the area is diverse as the cultural landscape of Cheonan, given that the battle space between the hermitage and the Donghangnongmin(東學農民) is shared with each other. It is necessary to establish policies for the preservation and restoration of local cultural assets based on these points in the future.

• Research in Community and Public Health Nursing
• /
• v.9 no.2
• /
• pp.291-302
• /
• 1998

The Japanese colonial authorities promulgated the 'Nurses Ordinance(Kanhoboo Kyuchick), in 1914. It was the first act that regulated nurses' licensure in Korea. The gendarme did the administrational work of the ordinance. After the Nurses Ordinance of 1914, nurses without licenses could no longer work with the name of nurse, and Korean nursing gained a more professional status. After the March 1st Movement of 1919, Japan realized that its iron rule had to be more sophisticated. The gendarme gave way to an ordinary constabulary force. The Nurses Ordinance was amended to set the nurses quality as good as that of Japanese nurses, and the nurses licensure of Korea could also be used in Japan. In 1931 the Japanese war against China began, and the Japanese imposed military rule once again. The Nurses Ordinance was amended to 'The Korea Nurses Ordinance'. After the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War(1937) and of World War II in the Pacific(1941), the Japanese desperately needed additional manpower to re plenish the dwindling ranks of their military and labour forces. To produce more nurses, the colonial authorities amended the 'Korea Nurses Ordinance' and lowered the age and educational status of nurses to produce more numbers. Until the Japanese surrender in August 1945, Korea was under Japanese rule. Koreans had no say in the passing of these acts, and the colonial authority could make and pass any act at will.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
• /
• v.2 no.1
• /
• pp.113-128
• /
• 2020

Right before the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1937-1954), the Great Eastern Broadcasting Station (GEBS) was established in Shanghai under the aegis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (MOFA). Prior to the launching of the GEBS, Japan had not owned similar radio stations in China for years. As a result, the Embassy of Japan in China held rounds of discussions on the plan and Japanese governments, ranging from the MOFA, the Navy, the Army, the Ministry of Communications (MOC), and NHK-Japan Broadcasting Corporation (Nihon Hoso Kyoku) provided financial, technological, and equipment support. In the mid-1930s when the Sino-Japanese relations became intensified, the GEBS assumed the primary role of disseminating government policies to over 30,000 Japanese expatriates in Shanghai to make sure that they could remain settled while supporting military endeavors of the Japanese army once the war between China and Japanese broke out. After 1937, the GEBS became an essential propaganda tool to advance imperial policies of Japan. Although the station differed from the Army-controlled Greater Shanghai Broadcasting Station (Dai Shanhai Hoso Kyoku) in many aspects, it was in line with the latter in terms of advancing wartime ideology of the Japanese empire. As the Japanese-occupied areas were enlarged, target audience of the GEBS also expanded to Chinese people and foreign nationals when Japanese, English, Russian, and Shanghai-dialect news was broadcast by the station. Suffice it to say that the GEBS was closely related to wartime propaganda of the Japanese imperial expansion.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.1-23
• /
• 1984

In fisheries financing before the liberation of Korea, the accommodation of funds through modern monetary facilities was hardly benefited to most of small-scale Korean fishermen except Japanese fishermen living in Korea and some large-scale Korean fishermen. In fact, since Korean economy was only in the beginning stage of capitalism free from natural economy in the end of Yi Dynasty, it was natural that the supply of funds should be lacked. But after the opening of ports in Korea, the external shapes in Korean society were slowly changed according as heteronomous modernization was pushed forward by means of western capitalism and the intentional invasion of Japanese was gradually weighed. Thus all kinds of fishing equipments and technique were developed by dint of modernization, and modern monetary facilities also came into being. But most of Korean fishermen were hardly benefited by modern monetary facilities. Fishermen who were faced with destitution of funds were forced to rely upon high interest loans in order to make a living or maintain fisheries, and they were severely exploited by usurers. The situation was the same in the period of Japanese imperialism. Japanese felt the necessity of advancement of Korean fisheries and established fisheries institution suitable for all kinds of colonial fisheries policy toward Korea so that they could build up the foundation according to the development of capitalism and carry out the Russo-Japanese War and the Sino-Japanese War. There were a series of bottlenecks in financing on account of the deficiency of fisheries institution in the beginning of Japanese imperialism, but the financial pressure was lightened because the arrangement of institution greatly contributed to the smoothness of fisheries financing in the latter part of it. Despite such improvement of financing, the benefit of funds could not equally reach to all the fishermen. It only reached to Japanese fishermen living in Korea and some large scale Korean fishermen. Thus most of korean fishermen could not free themselves from destitution of financing and the pressure of high interest loans. This phenomenon took place because Korean fisheries had the antinomic characteristics that financial restriction was excessive owing to the industrial speciality of fisheries, on the other hand there was a large financial demand in fisheries in the character of industry.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.336-342
• /
• 2021

Japanese imperialism initiated the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and promulgated the Total National Mobilization Act in 1938, establishing a wartime total mobilization system. In the beginning of the wartime general mobilization system, Japanese colonialism focused on women's labor force and mobilized women both domestically and abroad. Women were forcibly mobilized to the Labor Patriotism Unit and Jeongshindae(Korean Women Labor Corps). Women had to take the place of home work as well as the work of men who had already been mobilized, and at the same time faced a poor situation of being forced to mobilize for war. The mobilization of Jeongshindae took place in various forms, such as recruitment, voluntary support by government offices, propaganda through schools or groups, job fraud, coercion or threats. Jeongshindae which was a representative victim of the forced mobilization of women during the Japanese colonial period, was individually litigated and remains an unresolved problem. In order to uncover the reality of the forced mobilization of women during the wartime general mobilization system, continuous research and social education through related organizations are required.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
• /
• v.15 no.3
• /
• pp.55-86
• /
• 2015

This paper aims to interrogate the layered and dependent structure of the modern and official document management in Korea and Japan from 1894 to 1910. The focus of its study is on documents related with the strategic infrastructure construction in Jeonbuk Province through an analysis from the perspective of historic archival studies. For this study, the chosen period was when Japanese imperialists were on their way to seize the Korean official archival system. As such, our objects are the documents connected with the institution of the Japanese resident-general system in Korea and its infrastructural constructions as part of Japan's war plans of invading the continent. Among others, we examined the documents of the strategic infrastructure construction around Jeonju in Jeonbuk Province by Imperial Japan, in order to wage the Sino-Japanese War and subdue the Donghak Peasant Revolution. More specifically, we illuminate the sources and organization of the approval of the original documents in a higher level that is relevant to the determination of political, financial, and personnel matters, which were designed for the Japanese governmental rule over Korea from the era of the Gabo Reform to the period of the Japanese resident-generals, as well as analyze the actual states of the official documents ina lower level, which were drawn up by Korean government and the resident-general. Consequently, this paper suggests that official Korean archival system at this time must be understood under the context of a layered and dependent structure within the vertical connections between Korea and Japan, and not from the point of view of a national history.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
• /
• no.4
• /
• pp.57-76
• /
• 2006

From the late 1920s to the 1930s, Korea's fine art community focused on traditional viewpoints as their main topic. The traditional viewpoints were discussed mainly by Korean students studying in Japan, especially oil painters. Such discussions on tradition can be divided into two separate halves, namely the pre- and post-Sino-Japanese War (1937) periods. Before the war, the modernists among Korea's fine art community tried to gain a fuller understanding of contemporary Western modern art, namely, expressionism, futurism, surrealism, and so forth, on the basis of Orientalism, and borrow from these schools' in order to create their own works. Furthermore, proponents of Joseon's avant-garde fine arts and artists of the pro-fine art school triggered debate on the traditional viewpoints. After the Sino-Japanese War, these artists continued to embrace Western modern art on the basis of Orientalism. However, since Western modern fine art was regressing into Oriental fine art during this period, Korean artists did not need to research Western modern fine art, but sought to study Joseon's classics and create Joseon's own avant- garde fine art in a movement led by the Munjang group. This research reviews the traditional view espoused by the Munjang group, which represented the avant-garde fine art movement of the post-war period. Advocating Joseon's own current of avant-garde fine art through the Munjang literary magazine, Gil Jin - seop, Kim Yong-jun and others accepted the Japanese fine art community's methodology for the restoration of classicism, but refused Orientalism as an ideology, and attempted to renew their perception of Joseon tradition. The advocation of the restoration of classicism by Gil Jin-seop and Kim Yong-jun appears to be similar to that of the Yasuda Yojuro-style restoration of classicism. However, Gil Jin-seop and Kim Yong-jun did not seek their sources of classicism from the Three-Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods, which Japan had promoted as a symbol of unity among the Joseon people; instead they sought classicism from the Joseon fine art which the Japanese had criticized as a hotbed of decadence. It was the Joseon period that the Munjang group chose as classicism when Japan was upholding Fascism as a contemporary extremism, and when Hangeul (Korean writing system) was banned from schools. The group highly evaluated literature written in the style of women, especially women's writings on the royal court, as represented by Hanjungnok (A Story of Sorrowful Days). In the area of fine art, the group renewed the evaluation of not only literary paintings, but also of the authentic landscape paintings refused by, and the values of the Chusa school criticized as decadent by, the colonial bureaucratic artists, there by making great progress in promoting the traditional viewpoint. Kim Yong-jun embraced a painting philosophy based on the painting techniques of Sasaeng (sketching), because he paid keen attention to the tradition of literary paintings, authentic landscape paintings and genre paintings. The literary painting theory of the 20th century, which was highly developed, could naturally shed both the colonial historical viewpoint which regarded Joseon fine art as heteronomical, and the traditional viewpoint which regarded Joseon fine art as decadent. As such, the Munjang group was able to embrace the Joseon period as the source of classicism amid the prevalent colonial historical viewpoint, presumably as it had accumulated first-hand experience in appreciating curios of paintings and calligraphic works, instead of taking a logical approach. Kim Yong-jun, in his fine art theory, defined artistic forms as the expression of mind, and noted that such an artistic mind could be attained by the appreciation of nature and life. This is because, for the Munjang group, the experience of appreciating nature and life begins with the appreciation of curios of paintings and calligraphic works. Furthermore, for the members of the Munjang group, who were purists who valued artistic style, the concept of individuality presumably was an engine that protected them from falling into the then totalitarian world view represented by the Nishita philosophy. Such a 20th century literary painting theory espoused by the Munjang group concurred with the contemporary traditional viewpoint spearheaded by Oh Se-chang in the 1910s. This theory had a great influence on South and North Korea's fine art theories and circles through the Fine Art College of Seoul National University and Pyongyang Fine Art School in the wake of Korea's liberation. In this sense, the significance of the theory should be re-evaluated.