• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제56권3호
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• pp.76-98
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• 2023

국립중앙박물관 소장 《회혼례도첩》(덕수6375)에 묘사된 남녀 등장인물의 복식을 분석하고 《회혼례도첩》의 제작 시기를 추정한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 주인공 노신랑은 <전안례도>와 <교배례도>에서는 평소 관원으로 착용하던 흑단령을 착용하였다. 그 외 <헌수례도>와 <접빈도>, <중뢰연도>에서는 패영 없는 자립에 옥색 포, 홍색 세조대를 둘렀다. 기럭아범은 자립에 귀 옆에 묶은 패영을 달고 흉배를 부착한 무문 흑단령을 착용하였다. 성인 남자 자손과 하객들은 도포 등 당시의 대표적인 포 종류를 착용하였는데 특히 무관으로 추정되는 인물들은 철릭, 직령을 착용하고 붉은 색 띠와 청색 계통의 띠를 신분에 맞추어 착용하였다. 징씨(徵氏) 등 안내자는 중치막과 홍단령을 착용하였으며 어린 동자들과 시동(侍童)은 중치막을 착용하였다. 술을 따르고 음식을 나르는 총각들은 땋은 머리에 소창의(小氅衣)를 입고 성인들은 전립(氈笠)에 소창의를 착용하였다. 군영 소속의 세악수들은 소색 소창의에 흑색 전복, 그리고 허리에 남색 포대 등 군복을 착용하였다. 둘째, 노신부는 <교배례도>에서는 거두미와 초록원삼 차림을 하였고 <헌수연도>에서는 남치마·옥색저고리 차림이 확인되었다. 여자 자손들은 어여머리에 비녀와 반자, 진주댕기 등의 칠보장식을 하였고 다양한 색상의 저고리에 남색과 홍색, 옥색 등의 치마를 입었다. 남치마에 초록 장옷을 입은 부인도 확인되었다. 홍치마에 초록색 회장저고리를 입은 <교배례도>의 동녀(童女) 4명은 낭자머리에 비녀 꽂고 도다익 댕기를 길게 드리웠으며 칠보족두리를 썼다. 비자(婢子)들은 어여머리에 가리마를 썼으며 양반 부인들과 유사한 치마·저고리를 착용하였으나 색상이 연했고 치마의 길이가 짧았으며 치마의 부풀림 정도가 약하였다. 기녀는 양반 부인과 비슷한 모습이었으나 색상이 덜 화려하였으며 어여머리에는 칠보장식이 없었다. 셋째, 주인공의 자립 착용, 철릭과 직령을 입은 하객들, 군영 소속 세악수 참여 등에 근거하여 회혼례의 주인공이 병조나 군영과 관련된 인물이었을 가능성을 제시하였으며 군영 악대의 전복의 소매 길이와 잠화 사용, 어여머리의 형태와 댕기, 저고리의 길이와 치마의 부풀린 형태 등에 근거하여 《회혼례도첩》의 제작 시기를 1760년대~1780년대로 추정하였다.

• 농업과학연구
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.1-16
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• 1986

새로운 유전(遺傳) 육종적(育種的) 재료(材料)를 얻고 탐색(探索)하기 위하여 수집(蒐集)한 재래종(在來種) 옥수수 262계통(系統)의 형태적(形態的) 특성분류(特性分類) 및 그 특성(特性)의 분포(分布), 상관(相關)둥을 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 각(各) 특성(特性)을 살펴 보면 개화소요일수(開花所要日數)에서 66일(日) 이하(以下)가 47%, 67~78일(日) 47%, 79일(日) 이상(以上)이 8%로 조(早) 중생(中生)에 고루 분포(分布)하였고 기타(其他) 특성(特性)들은 평균식(平均植)를 중심(中心)으로 양편에 고루 분포(分布)하였다. 2. 분얼수(分蘖數)는 변이계수(變異係數)가 49.2%로 특성(特性)들 중(中)에서 가장 큰 변이(變異)를 보였고 자수경(雌穗俓) 립중(粒重), 100립중(粒重), 착수고(着穗高), 초장(草長), 자수장(雌穗長) 등에서 각각(各各) 36.1, 27.2, 20.0, 16.3% 등으로 비교적 변이(變異)의 폭(幅)이 컸고 자수경(雌穗經), 입(粒)의 장(長), 폭(幅), 후(厚) 및 자수열수(雌穗列數), 개화소요일수(開化所要日數) 등에서 작은 변이(變異)를 보였다. 3. 특성(特性)들간에는 초장(草長)과 착수고(着穗高), 자수장(雌穗長), 자수경(雌穗俓), 분얼수(分蘖數), 개화소요일수(開花所要日數)와 높은 정(正)의 상관(相關)을 보였고, 100 립중(粒重), 자수당립(雌穗當粒)은 립(粒)의 장(長), 폭(幅), 후(厚) 및 초장(草長)과 높은 정(正)의 상관(相關)을 보였다. 4. 계통간(系統間)의 Euclidean distance에 의해 분류(分類)한 4개(個)의 군(群)은 I군(群)에 110개(個), II군(群)에 74개(個), III군(群)에 66개(個), IV군(群)에 12개(個) 계통(系統)이 속(屬)하였으며, 계통군(系統群) I은 조생(早生), 중간(中稈), 대립(大粒), 대형자수(大型雌穗)의 특징(特徵)을 계통군(系統群)II는 중생(中生), 중간(中稈), 중립(中粒), 소형자수(小型雌穗)의 특징(特徵)을, 계통군(系統群)III은 중생(中生), 중간(中稈), 대립(大粒), 중형자수(中型雌穗)의 특징(特徵)을 계통군(系統群)IV는 만생(晩生), 장간(長稈), 소형자수(小型雌穗), 소립(小粒), 다분얼(多分蘖)의 특징(特徵)을 각각(各各) 보였다. 5. 분류(分類)한 군별(群別) 평균초장(平均草長)은 I 군(群)과 II 군(群), II군(群)과 III, IV군(群) 사이에 유의차(有意差)가 인정(認定)되었고, 이삭의 크기에서는 IV군(群)과 II군(群), IV군(群)과 III군(群) 사이를 제외(除外)한 모든 군(群)사이에, 립(粒)의 크기는 II군(群)과 IV군(群) 사이를 제외한 모든 군(群)사이에 100 립중(粒重), 이삭당립중(當粒重)은 모든 군간(群間)에, 이삭열수(列數)는 I군(群)과 II군(群), IV군(群)과 I, II, III군(群) 사이에, 분얼수(分蘖數)와 개화일수(開花日數)는 IV군(群)과 I, II, II군(群) 사이에 각각(各各)그 유의차(有意差)가 인정(認定)되었다. 6. 강원도(江原道)와 제주도(濟州道)를 제외(除外)한 지역(地域)에서 수집(蒐集)한 옥수수를 지역별(地域別)로 나누었을 때 북서부평야지(北西部平野地)와 중부산악지(中部山岳地)의 옥수수는 중생(中生), 중간(中稈), 대형자수(大型雌穗), 대립(大粒)의 특징(特徵)을 중동부산악지(中東部山岳地)의 옥수수는 중생(中生), 중간(中稈), 중형자수(中型雌穗), 중립(中粒)의 특징(特徵)을 중서부평야지(中西部平野地)의 것은 중생(中生), 단간(短稈), 중형자수(中型雌穗), 중립(中粒)의 특징(特徵)을 남동부평야지(南東部平野地)의 것은 조생(早生), 단간(短稈), 소형자수(小型雌穗), 중립(中粒)의 특징(特徵)을 중남부산악지(中南部山岳地)의 것은 만생(晩生), 중간(中稈), 중형자수(中型雌穗), 소립(小粒), 다분얼(多分蘖)의 특징(特徵)을 남서부평야지(南西部平野地)의 것은 만생(晩生), 장간(長稈), 중형자수(中型雌穗), 소립(小粒), 다분얼(多分蘖)의 특징(特徵)을 나타내는 경향(傾向)을 보였다.

• 농업과학연구
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.396-450
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• 1982

육종(育種) 자료(資料)를 얻기위해 수집(蒐集)한 한국(韓國) 재래종(在來種) 옥수수 57계통(系統)에 대(對)하여 주성분(主成分) 분석(分析)을 이용(利用)하여 재래종(在來種) 옥수수를 해석(解析)하고 계통분류(系統分類)를 하고 분류(分類)된 계통군별(系統群別)로 주요(主要) 특성(特性)에 대(對)한 유전적(遺傳的) 특성(特性)을 구명(究明)하고자 본(本) 연구(硏究)를 수행(修行)하였던 바 그 결과(結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 특성(特性)들의 평균치(平均値)는 모든 특성(特性)에서 계통간(系統間) 차이(差異)가 있었으며 비중(比重)을 제외(除外)한 모든 특성(特性)에서 교배유형별(交配類型別)로 차이(差異)가 있었는데 출수기(出穗期)까지의 일수(日數)를 제외(除外)한 모든 특성(特性)에서 자식(自殖)된 계통(系統)의 것은 세력(勢力)이 감소(減少)되었고 톱교배(交配)된 계통(系統)의 것은 세력(勢力)이 증대(增大) 되었다. 2. 특성간(特性間)의 상관계수(相關係數)는 0.99~-0.59 사이에 분포(分布)하였는데 특성간(特性間)의 상관(相關)은 대체(大體)로 낮은 것이 많았다. 그러나 수량구성요소(收量構成要素)와 관련(關聯)된 주요특성(主要特性)에서는 상관(相關)이 높았고 교배유형(交配類型)에 따른 특성간(特性間)의 상관계수(相關係數)의 크기는 별(別) 차이(差異)가 없었다. 3. 27개(個) 특성(特性) 가운데서 12개(個)의 주요특성(主要特性)을 이용(利用)한 주성분(主成分) 분석(分析)에서 제(第)4 주성분(主成分)까지를 가지고 전(全) 변동(變動)의 86.4%를 형매교배(兄妹交配)에서, 84.3%를 자식교배(自殖交配)에서 81.1%를 톱교배(交配)에서 각각(各各) 설명(說明)할 수 있었다. 4. 주성분(主成分)에 대(對)한 특성(特性)의 기여율(寄與率)은 특성(特性)에 따라 달랐고 상위(上位) 주성분(主成分)에서 컸으며 하위(下位) 주성분(主成分)에서 작았다. 5. 주성분(主成分)과 특성간(特性間)의 상관계수(相關係數)는 주성분(主成分)의 생물학적(生物學的) 의의(意義)와 주성분(主成分)에 대응(對應)한 식물체(植物體)의 형(型)을 명확(明確)히 하였는데 제(第)1 주성분(主成分)은 식물체(植物體)의 크기에 관련(關聯)된 주성분(主成分)이었고, 제(第)2 주성분(主成分)은 식물체(植物體)의 분화(分化) 및 생장기간(生長期間)에 관련(關聯)된 주성분(主成分)이었고, 제(第)3 주성분(主成分)과 제(第)4 주성분(主成分)은 형매교배(兄妹交配)된 계통(系統) 및 자식계통(自殖系統)에서는 뚜렷한 특징(特徵)이 없었으나 톱교배(交配)된 계통(系統)에서는 엽(葉)의 크기에 관련(關聯)된 주성분(主成分)이었다. 6. 계통간(系統間) 거리(距離)에 의(依)해 57계통(系統)은 4개(個)의 계통군(系統群)으로 분류(分類)되었으나 전계통(全系統)의 91.1%인 52계통(系統)이 계통군(系統群) I로 분류(分類)되어 수집(蒐集)된 재래종(在來種) 옥수수의 대부분(大部分)이 동일계통(同一系統)인 것으로 나타났고, 계통군(系統群) II에는 3계통(系統)이, 계통군(系統群) III과 계통군(系統群) IV에는 각각(各各) 1계통(系統)이 속(屬)하였다. 계통군(系統群) I은 조생(早生), 단간(短稈), 중형자수(中型雌穗), 중립(中粒) 및 중수(中收) 계통(系統)들이었고, 계통군(系統群) II는 만생(晩生), 중간(中稈), 소형자수(小型雌穗), 소립(小粒), 다자수(多雌穗) 및 다수(多收) 계통(系統)들이었다. 계통군(系統群) III은 중생(中生), 장간(長稈), 소형자수(小型雌穗) 및 소립(小粒), 소수(少收) 계통(系統)들이었고, 계통군(系統群) IV는 중생(中生), 장간(長稈), 대형자수(大型雌穗), 소자수(少雌穗) 및 중수계통(中收系統)이었다. 7. 특성(特性)들의 자식열세도(自殖劣勢度)는 계통(系統)에 따라 차이(差異)가 있었으며 수량(收量), 이삭중(重), 초장(草長) 등(等)에서 비교적(比較的) 크게 나타났고, 분류(分類)된 군별(群別) 자식열세도(自殖劣勢度)는 100 입중(粒重), 엽수(葉數), 엽장(葉長) 및 출수기(出穗期)까지의 일수(日數) 등(等)의 특성(特性)이 계통군(系統群) I에서 컸고, 기타의 특성(特性)은 계통군(系統群) II에서 컸다. 8. 특성(特性)들의 잡종강세도(雜種强勢度)는 계통간(系統間) 차이(差異)가 있었으며 이삭중(重), 이삭당(當) 입중(粒重), 100입중(粒重) 및 엽장(葉長) 등(等)에서 높았으며 분류(分類)된 군별(群別)로 보면 이삭길이, 이삭직경(直徑), 이삭중(重), 이삭당(當) 입중(粒重), 100 입중(粒重) 및 엽장(葉長) 등(等)의 특성(特性)은 계통군(系統群) II에서 높았고 기타의 특성(特性)은 계통군(系統群) I에서 높았다. 9. 특성(特性)들의 동질접합체(同質接合體) 정도(程度)는 이삭중(重)(79.1%)에서 가장 높았으며 이삭 수(數)(-2.1%)에서 가장 낮았는데 특성별(特性別)로 큰 차이(差異)가 있었다. 분류(分類)된 군별(群別)에 있어서도 동질접합체(同質接合體) 정도(程度)는 특성(特性)에 따라 차이(差異)가 있었는데 계통군(系統群) II에서 높은 것이 많았고 계통군(系統群) I에서 낮은 것이 많았다. 10. 형매교배(兄妹交配)된 계통(系統)의 특성(特性)과 톱 교배(交配)된 계통(系統)의 특성(特性)과의 상관관계(相關關係)는 모든 특성(特性)에서 정(正)의 상관(相關)을 나타내었으며 이삭수(數), 초장(草長), 엽장(葉長), 수량(收量) 및 단백질(蛋白質) 함량(含量) 등(等)에서 높은 상관(相關)을 나타내었으며 이삭 직경(直徑), 100입중(粒重) 및 엽수(葉數) 등(等)에서는 유의성(有意性)이 인정(認定)되지 않았다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.