• Title/Summary/Keyword: Shipment Control

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Effects of Postharvest 1-MCP Treatment, Storage Method, and Shelf Temperature on Quality Changes of 'Gamhong' Apples during Export Simulation (수확후 1-MCP 처리, 저장 방법 및 현지 유통온도가 모의수출 '감홍' 사과의 품질에 미치는 영향 분석)

  • Park, Youn-Moon;Yoon, Tae-Myung
    • Horticultural Science & Technology
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    • v.30 no.6
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    • pp.725-733
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    • 2012
  • Effects of postharvest 1-methylcyclopropene (1-MCP) treatment, controlled atmosphere (CA) storage, and shelf temperature on quality of 'Gamhong' apples were analyzed during export simulation. Fruits were harvested at the optimum maturity for long-term storage, treated with $1{\mu}L{\cdot}L^{-1}$ 1-MCP for 16 hours, and then stored for 6 months under air and CA conditions at $0^{\circ}C$. Poststorage export procedure was performed by applying additional 2-week refrigerated storage and 7-day shelf-life test at 7 and $20^{\circ}C$, which simulated container shipment and local distribution, respectively. After storage and during export simulation, rates of respiration and ethylene evolution were significantly lower in 1-MCP treated and CA-stored apples. For the reduction of respiration, CA storage was more effective than 1-MCP treatment. Soluble solids content was maintained higher in 1-MCP treated apples, while titratable acidity was maintained better both in the 1-MCP treated and CA-stored apples. Effects of 1-MCP treatment and CA storage were highly significant in maintaining flesh firmness and sensory texture ratings. Additive effects from combined application of 1-MCP treatment and CA storage were occasionally observed. Shelf temperature during the local distribution simulation seemed not to significantly influence quality changes only showing limited effects on flesh firmness. Overall results suggest that storage potential of 'Gamhong' apples is shorter than 4 months in control fruit under refrigerated air conditions, whereas the potential can be extended to longer than 6 months by 1-MCP treatment and CA storage. Postharvest program should be provided considering the time of export, i.e. period of storage, and duration of local distribution.

Investigation of Measurement Feasibility of Large-size Wastes Based on Unmanned Aerial System (UAS 기반 대형 폐기물 발생량 측정 가능성 모색)

  • Son, Seung Woo;Yu, Jae Jin;Jeon, Hyung Jin;Lim, Seong Ha;Kang, Young Eun;Yoon, Jeong Ho
    • Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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    • v.33 no.5_3
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    • pp.809-820
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    • 2017
  • Efficient management of large-size wastes generated from disasters etc. is always in demand. Large-size wastes are closely connected to the environment, producing adverse effects on the air quality, water quality, living environment and so on. When large-size wastes are generated, we must be able to estimate the generated amount in order to transfer them to a temporary trans-shipment site, or to properly treat them. Currently, we estimate the amount of generated large-size wastes by using satellite images or unit measure for wastes; however, the accuracy of such estimations have been constantly questioned. Therefore, the present study was performed to establish three-dimensional spatial information based on UAS, to measure the amount of waste, and to evaluate the accuracy of the measurement. A measurement was made at a waste site by using UAS, and the X, Y, Z RMSE values of the three-dimensional spatial information were found to be 0.022 m, 0.023 m, and 0.14 m, all of which show relatively high accuracy. The amount of waste measured using these values was computed to be approximately $4,273,400m^3$. In addition, the amount of waste at the same site was measured by using Terrestrial LiDAR, which is used for the precise measurement of geographical features, cultural properties and the like. The resulting value was $4,274,188m^3$, which is not significantly different from the amount of waste computed by using UAS. Thus, the possibility of measuring the amount of waste using UAS was confirmed, and UAS-based measurement is believed to be useful for environmental control with respect to disaster wastes, large-size wastes, and the like.

The Concentration of Economic Power in Korea (경제력집중(經濟力集中) : 기본시각(基本視角)과 정책방향(政策方向))

  • Lee, Kyu-uck
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.31-68
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    • 1990
  • The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

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