• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.18
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• pp.81-99
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• 2004

This text discusses trends in the construction of religions since the Meiji Era, using Konkokyo and Restoration Shintoism as examples. The construction of religions is applied here as the process of a deliberate acceptace of religious images as a discourse of "Civilization" endowed with "kyougi" or "Doctrine" and "kyousoku" or "Rules of Instruction." Winding through a meandering path, these constructed religions do not take precedence over "Jikyou" or "State Religion." Yet, "Jikyou" for a while was fixed in its own fragemented self-imagery. As for Shinto, in 1900, the Office of Shinto Shrines became independent from the Office of Shrines and Temples in the Department of Domestic Affairs, and clearly Shinto and Shinto Shrines were part of secular state ideology. In the Bakumatsu and Meiji Periods, it ultimately was cut off from Restoration Shinto, thereby achieving this development on its own. This tells of the formation of an entirely new and modern Shinto within a secular "Jikyou." Konkokyo, moreover, as a religion establishes "kyousoku" and "kyougi." As a Shinto sect, it takes steps on the path toward recognizing a self-identity, namely as religious Shinto. As a result, dogmatization and systemization progress, and "Byoukinaoshi" or "illness-recovery" from the Tokugawa Period weathers. Also, as for progress in the Shinto religious order, from its foundation, the characteristics of a unified state and religion emerge, and thus there is an acceptance of significant restrictions. This dillema continues to persist as a problem in postwar Japan. Shedding light on Tokugawa Era practice also sheds light on where we can now take religious concepts.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.1-17
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• 2008

This research analyzes the patterns in modernization of costume that reflects the attitude of accepting the Western culture and the differences in perception, during modernization period (1850-early 1910) in Japan. The Japanese attitude toward the Western costume can be roughly classified into three periods: impetuous acceptance in the early Restoration of Imperial Regime(1867-1883), aggressive acceptance in Rokumeikan period(1883-1887), and the coexistence of traditional and modern costumes after Meiji 20(1887-1910). A Western costume symbolizes wealth and power until Rokumeikan period, however, as it becomes more common, it is considered as an ordinary dress rather than a ceremonial dress. The exact opposite phenomenon occurs to traditional costume. Although Japanese modernization is initially forced by western ideology of power, positive reactions to western culture and changes in perception toward China leads to more active importation of western culture. This reflects the governmental effort such as the Foreigners Employment Policy in the early Meiji period, and the public also became receptive toward change. However, acceptance of the Western culture is only limited to academic and technological areas, while the traditional Japanese ethos(the Emperor system, Shintoism, patriarchism) is obstinately protected. Therefore, it can be inferred that such extreme polarization of modernization and traditional inheritance enabled both perspectives to retain their own characteristics.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.57-85
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• 2023

The politico-economic waives of Western imperialism and colonialism, along with Christianity, affected East Asia's geopolitical landscape in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. While the Korean people (of the Joseon Dynasty) witnessed the incompetence of Buddhism, Confucianism, and folk religions in maintaining social cohesion with a sense of frustration, the new religious movements (NRMs) emerged to provide altrnative teachings of hope through historical figures like Choe Je-u, Kang Il-sun (or Kang Jeungsan), Na Cheol, and Pak Chungbin. In terms of popularity, colonial Korea (1910-1940) was impressed by the native groups of Cheondogyo (=Donghak), Bocheongyo, and Mugeukdo. Son Byong-hee (1861-1922) was the third leader of the first Korean NRM, but both Cha Gyeong-seok (1880-1936) and Jo Cheol-Je (= Jo Jeongsan) (1895-1958) participated in the post-Jeungsan grassroots movements. How, then, did both of these new religions originate? How did they conceptualise their deities and interpret their teachings differently? What was their policy for national independence? The article explores the socio-religious leaders, historical origin, organizational structure, deities, teaching and doctrines, patriotism, and conflicts of both NRMs in a comparative context. As such, this article argues that they both maintained patriotic characteristics, but that Cha's Bocheongyo community with its ' 60-executives' system (60 bang) failed to manage their internal conflicts effectively. Meanwhile, Jo Cheol-Je of Mugeukdo had the charismatic leadership needed to maintain Mugeukdo, despite being seen as a pseudoreligion under the colonial pressure of Shintoism.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.44-58
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• 2006

This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.37-61
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• 2011

The Noh(能) performance is a traditional drama that represents Japan. The Noh performance was approved in the background of religious thought such as Shintoism(神道), Buddhisms(佛敎), and Syugendo(修驗道). Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. The Noh was approved while receiving a large influence from Shugendo. It can know the feature of the Shugen(修驗) culture in the Middle Ages through the consideration of . Moreover, the appearance of the training of 'Yamabusi(山伏)' can be seen. "Yamabusi" has not been paid to attention up to now in the research of . And, the focus was appropriated to Yamabusi and it researched in this text. Moreover, the problem of "Chigo(稚子)" is thought through . "Chigo culture" was general in the Middle Ages. It is thought that "Chigo culture" is reflected in . is an Noh performance for the boy named 'Wakamatsu' to enter the mountain and to train. It is because mother's sickness was cured. However, the boy gets sick while it is training. It was dropped to the valley according to the law of Shugendo, and it died. However, it revives by the Yamabusi's prayers. 'Taniko' is to drop to the valley and to bury it when the Yamabusi gets sick while lived. The title of the Noh originated in here. has elements of history, content of training of Shugendo, "Filial piety", and the Chigo culture, etc. These are features of the culture in the Middle Ages. It is not only a sad content though this is a content of the cruel remainder. It is because of the revival though waited rapidly at the end. As for the difficulty of training is drawn in the round, and the appearance of the training at that time is understood well. The essence of Shugendo is to train in the mountain. Supernatural power can be obtained through training. Moreover, it was thought that it was able to be newly reborn through training. The leading part of Shugendo is an Yamabusi. The Yamabusi took an active part in not only the mountain but also the village. The Yamabusi is ordinary people's lives and because the relation is deep, an important factor it knows the folk customs of Japan. The word 'Chigo' is not written in . However, a spectator at that time is 'Chigo' Wakamatsu and is already sure to have understood 'Chigo'. Because everyone knew the Chigo culture in the Middle Ages. A religion at that time and knowledge of the society are necessary to understand the play of Nho well.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.