• 교육시설 논문지
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.35-47
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• 2020

The need for communication is emphasized in decision making, design methods and processes for the educational environment that contain new curricula and learning methods. In this study, we tried to find the direction and agenda of learner-centered environment restructuring through the 'user-integrated platform' in which various subjects related to school space environment understand each other's position and overcome the barriers and prejudices of each sector. The project was planned in a 'bottom-up process' method that uncovered the singularities of the previous stage and led the main contents of the next stage. The various subjects who participated in the project shared their own experiences and different positions regarding the school space. At the workshop, the topics of the participating teams were divided into two categories. The teams in the category of the 'school culture and space' insisted innovation of 'the school culture' as a premise for the restructuring of the 'school space', and proposed schools with different interpretations of 'authority and rules of school', 'the meaning of learning and play' and 'the main character of school. The teams in the category of the 'school borders and spaces' focused on 'communication' and proposed schools containing 'emotional care of students', 'borders between schools and villages', 'village community schools', and 'interspace and niche time'. After the workshop, we were able to derive the direction and architectural strategy of the school space restructuring by analyzing the works of the participants. Through this study, we confirmed the possibility of translating user's ideas into the professional domain through careful planning, preparation, facilitation, and analysis in Participatory Design.

• 한국농촌건축학회논문집
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.17-24
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• 2015

Vacant houses are increasing across the country, but the appropriate measures have not been set up yet. Accordingly, vacant houses are left unattended for a long time, and become deserted to degrade the residential environment. They are often used as the space for the deviation of youth or even for crimes, threatening the safety of rural society. Vacant houses are not only personal properties but also public assets that form the residential environment of a town. Therefore, the problem should be better taken care of with appropriate policies. In this study, the present situation of vacant houses in Korea, the causes of the vacant house and the limits and lessons of the improvement projects were reviewed, along with the vacant house improvement systems in the UK and Japan. The most significant difference between the cases in Korea and other countries are the method of vacant house improvement. In terms of policies and support, Korea focuses on demolition, whereas other countries focus on reuse. In addition, the vacant house improvement projects in Korea are performed mostly by government agencies, whereas local governments and private organizations in other countries cooperate to improve vacant houses and go beyond mere residential environment improvement towards the local revitalization. Based on the study results, the following are proposed to efficiently improve and use the rural vacant houses. First, the Rearrangement of Agricultural and Fishing Villages Act, which allows the vacant houses to be left unattended and not improved, should be revised. Second, the intermediate support organizations that connect the demand and supply should be fostered and supported so that the use of vacant houses can be vitalized and privately led. Third, the best practices of using the vacant houses should be found and promoted, and the vacant house remodeling technique should be developed and propagated. Fourth, a special law should be enacted to comprehensively plan, support and execute the vacant house improvement, as in Japan. Finally, the value of the vacant houses as public properties should be shared in public so that all citizens can participate in addressing the vacant house issue to derive the detailed plans to solve the problem.

• 농촌의학ㆍ지역보건
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.36-53
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• 1987

It is utmostly important to establish the efficient fitable way of peoples' active participation in primary health care especially in the areas where the public or governmental service input for the basic health care is insufficient like as in rural areas of Korea. In light of above reason, this study focused mainly on the evaluation of roles and activities of village health workers (VHWs) who were selected from grass- root level of village people in order to derive further motivation for active participation. This is believed to be a sort of feedback mechanisms. Actually, the authors collected the activity reports of VHWs who had been devoting themselves in the primary health care services of Jeomdong Area, of Yeoju Gun one of Korea University Community Health Action Programmes and survey record on the VHWs activity from correspondent people. 1 hose data were analyzed through computer programmed package. The activities performed by VHWs were limited to the performance in 1985 for conveniance. The summarized results were as follows; 1) General characteristics of VHWs. Among a total of 28 VHWs in the area, about 39.3g of them have been replaced up to the date since the implementation in 1983, because of moving out, occupational employment and of others. The age of majority (75.0%) lied between the range of 30-50, and educational background of 67.9% belonged to category of primary school graduation, about 50% of them experienced to be or were also entiled "chief of women club" of corresponding villages. 2) Work-load of VHWs. Each VHW was assigned for tasks of health care for average 55 households of 248 persons. They shared approximately 6 days a month for the activity in average and it covered 17 cases of basic health care in a month. A half of the VHWs performed home visits irregularly without solidified schedule. 3) Work performance analysis. Informations collected through VHWs were compared with data from official vital registration at local administration center "Myon Office" in 1985. VHWs collected 100.8 of new born, 116.2 of death, 58.3 of move in and 74.8 of move out in comparison with 100.0 of official registration each. Pregnant women of 79.8% of mothers among the total pregnancy of 94 which were confirmed as normally delivered or aborted cases by all means afterwards had been detected by VHWs as being pregnant and all of them received some of antenatal cares by VHWs. All(100%) of delivered women were detected by VHWs through home visits and they were cared postnatally. Whereas, according to the records of birth registration, the places of delivery were clinic in 33.7%, and mother's home in 66.3%, VHWs reported them to be clinic in 48.9%, midwifery in 20.2%. It was cleared that most of misinformation was caused by uncautious filling of birth registration at notification. Among the total of 717 eligible women under age 44 years, family planning status of 92.6% was reported by VHWs confirming practice of control to be 70.8% of reported fertile women. 4) Attitude of VHW on the roles and functions. Although 92.0% of VHWs expressed VHWs to be worthwhile, only 52.0% of them had dignity and satisfaction in their activity and 44.0% of them had passive attitude of working saying they followed direction regardlessly. Concerning difficulties in performance as a VHW, 60.7% of them pointed out lacking of medical and health related knowledge by themselves. Still, 64.0% of them thought visiting unfamilier house to be awful and 40.0% complained forms of activity to be difficult and hard. It was also revealed that 56.6% confessed lack of interest on community health service itself. Most of VHWs needed more educational training especially on clinical fields such as cares of gynecological diseases, hypertension, diabetes, and other chronic diseaes of the aged. Regular on-the-job basic trainings were said to be needed twice a year.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.264-277
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• 1994

In Korea the concept of social support was first used as a research concept in nursing and has not had much application in the clinical field. Another problem is that research on social support has used a direct translation of the words “social support” into Korean as “sawhejuk jiji”. Three questions were posed to direct the re-search. 1) Is there a concept of social support in Korean society? 2) if so, what words or expressions are used to de-scribe it? 3) further, if so, how is social support structured and how does it function? In order to answer the research questions a three-step research methodology was used : The first step consisted of a literature review on re-search related to social support and on information on the background of, and the way of thinking re-lated to interpersonal relations among Korean people. The second step, which was done to identify whether there is a concept of social support in korean society, involved interviewing a sample of the population. The third step involved a panel discussion that included the members of the research team and three consultants, a sociologist, a philosopher and a scholor in korean literature. A review of the literature on interpersonal relationships in traditional korean society identified a four cirole structure that explains interpersonal relationships. The first circle with “me” at the center is the family but here “me” disappears into the “we” that is essential for a cooperative agricultural society. In the second circle are those close to “me” but outside the family. The third circle includes those with whom “I ” have infrequent but regular contact and with whom correct conduct is important. The last circle is all the people with whom “I” have nothing in common. They are excluded in interpersonal relationships. The literature on interpersonal relationships showed that within the traditional Korean society people lived in villages where most people were very familiar with each other. “Yun”, the social network established the connection and “Jung”, the feeling of affection increased with time as the connection was strengthened. In the traditional village psychological support was provided through “Mallaniki”, “Pumashi” and “Kae” with the latter two also providing material support. In modern Korea there are more informal and formal social networks, like social services and community activities on the formal level and cultural and leisure groups along with “kae’s on the informal level. But even with this modern variety of groups, most social support comes from informal networks that resemble the traditiorlal “Pumashi”, “Kai” md “Mallaniki”. The six member research team interviewed 65 people in order to identify whether there is a concept of social support and then analysed their responses. There were 20 different words describing the reception of the social support and these could be grouped into seven major categories : virtuous, fortunate, helped, supported, blessed, attached(receiving affection) and receiving (grace) benevolence. there were 27 words describing the act of social support which could be categorized into seven major categories : love, looking after, affection(attachment), kindness(goodness), faith, psychological help and material help. for the meaning of social support translated as “sawhe juk jiji” there were a total of 14 different answers which could be categorized into 3 major categories : help, agreement, and faith. In third step, the results of the literature review and the answers to the questions were discussed in a pannel. The results of the discussion led to the following definition of social support in Korea which is shaped like a the four sided pyramid on a base. Social support is the apex of the pyramid and four sides are made up of : “do-oom” (both emotional and material help), “jung” (connectedness, or relationship bound by affection, regard or shared common experience ), “midum” (faith or belief in), “eunhae” (kindness or benevolence). The research team identified “Yun”( the basic network of relationships) as the base of the pyramid and as such the foundation for the components of social support in Korean culture. On “Yun” rest the other four components of social support : “Jung”, “Midum”, “Do-oom”, and “Eunhae”, For social support to take place there must be “Yun”. This is an important factor in social support. In private social network “Jung” is an essential factor in social support. But not in the public social network. “Yun” is a condition for “Jung” and “Jung” is the manifestation of support.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제45권3호
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

고대 중국 불교사원이 있는 환경은 향촌(鄕村), 명산(名山), 도시(都市) 세개의 유형으로 나눌 수 있다. 이는 또한 사원이 존재하는 환경의 차이를 만들며 이로써 불교의 발전에 영향을 미쳤고 또한 사원과 사회관계의 다른 유형을 만들었다. 본고는 향촌 사회가 사원과 승려뿐 아니라 불교의 존재와 발전에 가져온 각종 이해(利害)에 대해 설명한다. 사원이 사회구조 속에서 다른 환경적 위치, 즉 도시와 향촌에 놓였을 때 그들은 결국 다른 외재적(外在的) 내재적(內在的) 사회적 응성을 발생시킬 수 밖에 없다. 중국 고대 불교사원은 위에 말한바와 같이 향촌, 명산, 도시에 위치하고 있으나 동진십육국 이후 사원이 크게 늘고 명산이 사원과 승려의 집중지가 됨에 따라 명산과 도시의 사원은 비슷한 양상을 띠며 발전한다. 그러나 향촌의 사원은 이와는 좀 다른 영향을 받고, 비쳤으므로 그를 중심으로 서술하고자 한다. 향촌 지역의 사원과 승려들이 서로 미치는 영향은 크게 네가지가 있다. 첫째, 향촌의 승려들은 그 지역, 혹은 그 부근으로부터 왔기 때문에 사회와 비교적 친밀한 관계를 형성한다. 그러므로 향촌 지역의 세력은 사원 승려집단이 구성하는 영향력을 제한한다. 둘째, 향촌 사원은 지방경제에 의탁하며 서로 동고동락 하였다. 향촌의 사원은 그 사회의 공공장소가 되었고 종종 시장 소재지가 되기도 하였다. 사실 사찰의 축조와 존재는 원래 지역 경제에 있어 하나의 추동력이 되었다. 왜냐하면 사찰건물 축조에는 공장(工匠)과 재료가 필요하며 어떤 절은 향객(香客)과 향촉(香燭) 소비 등에서 모두 많게든 적게든 상품 경제를 대동하기 때문이다. 그리고 소재 향촌이 어떤 자연재해 혹은 인재를 만나거나 수확이 좋지 않거나 경제가 불황일 때는 승려들이 흩어져 사원 또한 존속할 수 없는 결과를 낳기도 하였다. 셋째, 향촌 사원과 신도들의 관계는 도시와 명산의 사원과 구별된다. 왜냐하면 중국에서 사원은 승려들이 수행하는 장소일뿐 아니라 일반 가신도(家信徒)들이 조배(朝拜)하는 장소이기 때문에 그 주위엔 항상 많은 신도 무리가 있었기 때문이다. 넷째, 향촌 불교와 지방 민간신앙의 결합은 꽤 큰 정도로 불교의 민간화를 주도하였다. 이것은 하나의 상호작용 과정이다. 불교가 가지고 있는 전국성(全國性) 종교로서의 우세(優勢) 때문에 종종 지방특색을 가지고 있는 숭배는 불교 신앙으로 바뀌거나 불교 적색채에 물들었다. 향촌의 사원은 현지 사회와 밀접한 관계를 유지하면서 지방의 영향을 받음과 동시에 또 영향을 주기도 하였다. 대표적으로 향촌에서 비교적 문화가 발달된 곳으로서의 각종 문화와 관련된 시설 - 예를들어 학교, 병원 등 - 의 역할을 대신하여 모범 행동을 보이기도 하였다. 사찰이 향촌의 장례(葬禮)에 미친 영향도 매우 컸다. 중국인의 분묘(墳墓)는 주로 향촌에 세워졌는데 도시에 사는 사람이더라도 죽은 후에는 본적(本籍)으로 돌아와 묻히거나 적어도 도시가 아닌 교외(郊外)에 묻혔다. 향촌의 사찰은 일반적으로 장사 치르는 일에 참여하였다. 이상은 대다수의 유명한 불교 사찰은 명산에 있는것이 아니라 도시에 있음에도 불구하고 사원의 다수는 오히려 광대한 향촌에 있으며 그들은 향촌 사회와의 상호 융합을 통하여 90%이상의 중국 민중과 연결되어 있으며 불교가 중국에서 가장 중요하게 존재하는 기초가 되었음을 표명한다. 향촌 사원과 현지 사회 민중간의 상호 영향은 전방위(全方位)적인 것이며, 많게 혹은 적게 사회 생활 각 방면에 파급되었다. 향촌 지역에 이렇듯 사묘(寺廟)가 시(時) 공간(空簡)적으로 광범위하게 분포해 있는 것은 불교 사원과 중국 고대 농촌 사회의 긴밀한 결합을 설명하기에 족하다.