• Physical Therapy Rehabilitation Science
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.257-262
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• 2021

Objective: Patients with stroke generally diminished ankle range of motion, which decreases balance and walking ability. This study aimed to determine the effect of ankle self-mobilization with movement (s-MWM) on ankle dorsiflexion passive range of motion, timed up and go test, and dynamic gait index in patients with chronic stroke. Design: Randomized controlled trial design Methods: Twenty-four post-stroke patients participated in this study. The participants were randomized into the control (n = 12) and self-MWM groups (n = 12). Both groups attended standard rehabilitation therapy for 30 minutes per session. In addition, self-MWM group was performed 3 times per week for 8 weeks. All participants have measured ankle dorsiflexion passive range of motion, timed up and go test, and dynamic gait index in before and after the intervention. Results: After 8 weeks of training, self-MWM group showed greater improvement in ankle dorsiflexion passive range of motion, timed up and go test, and dynamic gait index than in the control group (p<0.05). Further, self-MWM group had significantly improvement in all dependent variables compared to the pre-test (p<0.05). Conclusions: Our investigation demonstrates that self-MWM is beneficial for improving functional ability. Also, self-MWM was superior to control with respect to improving ankle dorsiflexion passive range of motion, timed up and go test, and dynamic gait index.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제11권10호
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• pp.549-556
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• 2013

본 연구는 만성 뇌졸중으로 인한 편마비 환자를 대상으로 런지자세에서 자가신장과 움직임을 동반한 가동술을 적용후에 하지근육 근활성도와 안정성한계에 미치는 영향을 알아보는데 있다. 대상자 16명을 무작위 추출하여 실험군과 대조군으로 분류하였다. 실험군은 런지자세에서 자가신장을 중재하였고, 대조군은 런지자세에서 움직임을 동반한 가동술을 중재하였다. 중재는 8주 동안 주 5회, 1회 20분의 중재를 시행하였다. 통계학적 처리는 반복 측정분산분석을 이용하여 실시하였다. 결과는 실험군과 대조군의 그룹간 하지근육 근활성도(%MVIC)와 안정성 한계(LOS)는 통계학적 유의성이 없었다(p>.05). 하지만 실험군과 대조군의 그룹 내의 근활성도와 안정성 한계는 통계학적으로 유의하였다(p<.05). 따라서 뇌졸중으로 인한 편마비 환자들에게 런지자세에서 자가신장이 근력 및 균형에 긍정적인 영향을 줄 수 있을 것으로 생각된다.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.91-125
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• 2016

Vietnam's "Doi Moi", initiated in 1986, translated to high economic growth and rapid urbanization for the country, but also widened the gap between rural and urban areas. Vietnam's National Target Program on New Rural Development for 2010-2020 was aimed at developing the rural economy and improving the living standards of rural people, but after five years the urban-rural gap remains substantial. Two of the main reasons are the lack of investment capital and lack of effective ways to mobilize community involvement. In contrast, during the 1970s, rural areas in Korea experienced huge improvements under the "Saemaul Undong" movement. The program's success at promoting sustainable development in Korea's rural areas has inspired rural programs in other developing countries. In this paper, we compare and contrast the two movements to provide explanations for the different results between the two countries. Based on this analysis, and policy implications stemming from it, we recommend resource mobilization strategies to change villagers' attitude and increase their involvement in Vietnam's rural development movement, aligning with the inclusivity principle "people know, people discuss, people do and people check".

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.