• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.12 no.6
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• pp.447-488
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• 2002

The annals of the Chosun dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄). on CD-ROM was studied to understand e ceremony and dietary culture of the Chosun dynasty. The Chunshin (薦新) ceremony. the service of offering the first food product of the year to ancestors, was begun in the Song dynasty in China and initiated in the Koryo dynasty in Korea. Chunshin ceremony as the national auspicious ceremony was settled through the 311 the Chosun dynasty. The offerings were graded and the Saongwon (司饔院) was in charge of the transportation of them. A king attended the ceremony in person at Jongmyo (宗廟) once in a while. but the Bongsangsi officials usually took charge of ceremony. Even though the harvest of crops had failed due to the drought. the quantity of the offering was not curtailed. Seven kinds of the new products It ere offered in the Koryo dynasty, twenty-seven kinds of them during the reign of king Sejong, and thirty-one kinds of the them during the reign of King Sungjong according to the Gukjooreeui (國朝五禮儀) (1474). The offerings were served on the utensils called Du (두(豆)), Byun (遼), and Jak (爵). Most of the of the offerings were dedicated by public officials and civilians. The meat products in particular were caught by the king on hunting trips, and offered by the king in Person.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.112-129
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• 2019

This study investigates the influence and implications of the supervised process of production of flower vessels (花器) in 1411. The type, the production method, and the purpose of flower vessels (花器) were determined based on the workshops appearing in King Sejong-Sillok, Chiriji ("世宗實錄" "地理志") and Gyeongsang-do Chiriji ("慶尙道地理志"), considering articles excavated from Sangju kiln sites. In addition, the implications and the starting point of production of flower vessels (花器) in the Joseon Dynasty were identified. During the Joseon Dynasty, an effort was made to reorganize the government offices, to align ritual systems in the early 15th century. Preparation for rituals, preparation of supplemental utensils used in ancestral rites (祭器), the construction of architecture related to the Royal Family, and the production of weaponry (武器) were supervised. In 1411, flower vessels (花器) had a preferred supervised process of production as well, which means being recognized as a subject of maintenance for the Joseon Dynasty's aims. Flower vessels (花器) had been produced using grayish-blue powdered celadon (粉靑沙器) as flower pots (花盆), and as celadon flower pot-support (花臺), at Sangju kiln sites in particular, since 1411. Interestingly, products had been manufactured in royal kilns as well as in a few other kilns similar to the supervised process of production of flower vessels (花器) in the middle of the 15th century. It means that this effected the Gyeon-yang (見樣) supervised process of flower vessel (花器) production in 1411. At that time, the Joseon Dynasty used Gyeon-yang (見樣) for imperial gifts for the Ming Dynasty and on separate manufactured articles to ensure the standards of production. Gyeon-yang (見樣) affected the production of ceramic utensils used in ancestral rites (祭器), and government officials in Saongwon (司饔院) supervised the production of ceramics for the Royal Family year after year. In sum, it was flower vessels (花器) using Gyeon-yang (見樣) that provided precise production rules to supervise the process of production in 1411.

• Archives of design research
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• v.19 no.5 s.67
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• pp.17-30
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• 2006

The early Joseon Dynasty is very important period of studying about Korean history of ceramics because various kinds of porcelain were produced like celadon, brown porcelain, white porcelain, inlaid white porcelain, blue porcelain etc, $\ulcorner$sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$ $\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ was published and Saongwon established its branch. Moreover, there also had a sudden political change to Joseon Dynasty, so ceramic industry in Gangjin was closed and artisans in Gangjin scattered to find safer place. One of these place was Imiwueri and Chuhyunri, Joongmohyun in Sangju.(the name of the place in that times, now Modongmyun) Also, Sangju in Gyeongsangbuk-Do is one of the places where can get materials for producing white porcelain, so artisans in Gangjin could migrate to the place during change of regime to Joseon Dynasty which based on Sung Confucianism. In $\ulcorner$Tejongsilrok$\lrcorner$, it mentioned specific areas like Joongmo, Hwaryeong in Sangju, Gyeongsang-Do and we can find out about situations of ceramic production in the early 15 centuries with producing dishes for a Royal family. $\ulcorner$Sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$ $\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ mentioned Imiwueri and Chuhyunri and Sangju produced the half of porcelains. In $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdojiriji$\lrcorner$, Sangju takes charge of 8 spots which is one third of ceramic production. $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdojiriji$\lrcorner$ and $\ulcorner$Sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$ $\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ were published with same goals at the same year. In $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdosokchanjiriji$\lrcorner$, there was deleted nine spots which included high, middle, low level compared with $\ulcorner$Seiongsilrok$\lrcorner$ $\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$, and in $\ulcorner$Donggukyeojiseungram$\lrcorner$ there was entirely deleted the locations of porcelain spots and potteries.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.128-141
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• 2012

This study focused on the historic documents known as $deungnok$, records created during preparations for royal events in the $Joseon$ Dynasty, rather than the often cited $uigwe$, the documents describing the Royal Protocol of the $Joseon$ Dynasty. As a reference to the food served at royal banquets, the $deungnok$ can enhance our understanding of royal banquet foods. Seven specimens of $deungnok$ describing royal banquet foods are currently in existence, created during preparations for royal events by the agencies in charge of food, the $Saongwon$ and $Jeonseonsa$. Owing to the nature of their authorship, the details recorded in these $deungnok$ hold great value as important resources for the study of royal banquet cuisine. $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$, which documented an $oejinyeon$ banquet held at the $Junghwajeon$ Pavilion in November 1902, was somewhat disorganized and fragmented. $Jinyeonuigwe$ was more inclusive and well-summarized, since the former were progress reports to the King during banquet preparations that listed various items separately, such as dishes for each table setting and the kinds of flower pieces, and thus did not present a complete picture of all the details as a whole. The latter, on the other hand, were final reports created upon completion of a banquet, and contained more comprehensive records not only of the $chanpum$ (the menu of dishes served), but also the sorts of tableware and tables, floral arrangements, location, scale, and installation date of the $sukseolso$ (temporary royal kitchens for banquets). They also offer a more effective summary by simplifying details duplicated in identical table settings. Nevertheless, the $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ recorded some facts that cannot be gleaned from the $Jinyeonuigwe$, including the height of some dishes presented in piled stacks, as well as the specific names of dishes and their ingredients. The comparative study of the historic records in the $deungnok$ and $uigwe$ will be helpful in identifying and understanding the specific foods served at royal banquets. The $oejinyeon$-$seolchando$ diagrams in $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ depict the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince. The two diagrams contain large rectangles divided into three sections. In each section are similar-sized circles in which the names of dishes and the titles for table settings are recorded. From these records we can see that the arrangements of the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince are similar. The relationships and protocols shown in the arrangement of dishes and table settings for the King and the Crown Prince at royal banquets in the $Seolchando$ appear to be consistent. By comparing the two references, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, which recorded the dishes served at royal banquets, the author was able to determine the height of some foods served in stacked arrangements, the names of $chanpum$, the ingredients used, and the configuration of the $chanpum$. The comparative review of these two written records, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, will be helpful for a proper understanding of the actual food served at royal banquets.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.